Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Mohammad Mokhtari

About

Age: 21
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: February 14, 2011
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Forsat-e Shirazi Street, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: targeting vital organs

About this Case

Mohammad Mokhtari was proficient in both piano and football. In his last Facebook post, he wrote: "O God, let me die standing up, for I am tired of living on my knees in humiliation."

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mohammad Mokhtari, son of Esma'il, born in Tehran on September 10, 1989, was obtained through an interview with an informed source conducted by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) on June 14, 2024. Also, HRANA, JARAS, and Fars News Agency published news of his death on February 15, 2011. Additional information was gathered from interviews with Mohammad's father, Esmail Mokhtari, published on Rooz Online (March 18, 2011 and February 16, 2014), as well as reports by JARAS (February 22, 2011), Fars News Agency (February 16, 2011), and "Mostanad88" on Masih Alinejad's Instagram page (March 1, 2023.)

Mohammad Mokhtari was in his final year of Mining Engineering at Shahrood Azad University. He had a deep interest in music, especially piano, and soccer. He grew up in a religious family with three brothers and a sister. Although a modern young man, he observed Islamic practices such as prayer, fasting, and participation in religious ceremonies such as those held during Muharram.

He was politically aware and concerned about social justice. He had become aware of student protests during his university years and had participated in the 2009 presidential election. He supported the Green Movement and rejected the election results. On his Facebook page, he regularly shared posts calling for protests on February 14, 2011, and was known to always wear a green protest wristband.

In his last Facebook post, Mohammad wrote: "O God, let me die standing, for I am tired of living on my knees in humiliation. According to his brother, "Mohammad loved freedom and he loved life. (JARAS, February 22, 2011)

Those close to him described Mohammad as a courageous, happy, and curious person. (ABC Interview, June 14, 2024)

2009 Election - Background

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.).

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested.

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction.

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them. 

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.” 

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it. 

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one. 

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture.

Mr. Mohammad Mokhtari’s arbitrary execution

On February 14, 2011, Mohammad Mokhtari was shot by security agents during a protest near Forsat Shirazi Street in Tehran. He was rushed to Mostafa Khomeini Hospital, where he later died from his injuries.

According to those close to him, one of Mohammad's friends called him several times that morning. While he was still asleep, another family member answered the phone and learned that Mohammad had plans to go out for Valentine's Day later that day. When he woke up, Mohammad got dressed and asked his mother for her opinion on his outfit. He chatted with the family, helped set the table, and insisted that they all eat together - something they didn't usually do. Without further explanation, he told them that this was their "last lunch." Before he left, he hugged his sister, told her she was the best sister in the world, and said, "I want to hug you one last time." The green bracelet he always wore was torn, so he hung it on the door handle. He took another green bracelet from his sister, tied it around his wrist, and told her he was going to join the protest - and asked her not to tell their mother. (ABC Interview, June 14, 2024)

After Mohammad left home, his family tried to call his cell phone several times, but the calls kept dropping because of a poor signal. They became increasingly worried. Mohammad had joined the protests in Tehran. At around 5 p.m., near the corner of Forsat Shirazi Street, he was shot in the forehead by a security officer wearing a uniform with the emblem of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and riding a motorcycle. After he collapsed, people gathered around him, but security forces fired tear gas to disperse the crowd. As one of the officers approached the scene, he punched Mohammad's friend in the face, shouting, "You deserve this." (Mostanad88, March 1, 2023)

Mohammad was taken to Mostafa Khomeini Hospital by friends and bystanders. Around 6:00 p.m. that day, hospital staff contacted his family and claimed that he had been injured in the head by a stone. When his father, mother, and one of his brothers arrived at the hospital, they saw Mohammad being wheeled into the operating room.(ABC Interview, June 14, 2024; Mostanad88, March 1, 2023)

While Mohammad was in surgery, several security officials in military uniforms entered the operating room without wearing sterile clothing. After about ten minutes, they left with a bag that reportedly contained bullet fragments. (ABC interview, June 14, 2024)

Mohammad's father, Esma'il Mokhtari, later recalled: "The doctors told us he needed surgery to stop the bleeding and assess the damage. They said it would take about five hours, but within an hour, he was moved to intensive care. I asked the doctor why the surgery was over so quickly. He said, 'There was nothing more we could do. We did everything we could. I asked to see Mohammad. They said, 'Wait until the agents leave.'" He continued: "When things quieted down, we were allowed in. He was lying on a hospital bed. His entire head was bandaged. He also had a respirator attached to him - one of those breathing machines. The doctor showed me the X-ray. It was clear where the bullet had entered and where it had lodged. He pointed and said, 'This is where it hit, right here in his head.'" (Mostanad88, March 1, 2023)

The family stayed at the hospital until the early morning hours of February 15, 2011. When they left briefly and returned later, hospital staff informed them that Mohammad had died around 6:30 a.m. (Mostanad88, March 1, 2023)

The hospital authorities refused to release Mohammad's body to the family, saying that legal procedures had to be completed. After the police report was filed and administrative steps were taken, Mohammad's brother went to the hospital at 10:00 a.m. on February 16 to receive the body. Around 2:30 p.m., government officials delivered the body to their home. (Rooz Online, March 15, 2011)

The body arrived in a coffin draped with the flag of the Islamic Republic and accompanied by a large group of government agents unknown to the family. (ABC Interview, June 14, 2024)

These individuals carried the coffin in front of the house while pro-government media filmed the scene. They chanted slogans such as "Death to the Monafeqin" (a term used by the regime to refer to opposition groups) and shouted against the leaders of the Green Movement. (Fars News Agency, February 16, 2011)

When the family went to the Behesht Zahra cemetery for the burial, they noticed that Mohammad's body had already been washed and prepared for burial. The family suspects that the coffin brought to their home was empty or did not contain Mohammad's body. Security officials prevented the family from seeing the body, allowing them only a brief moment to see Mohammad's face. The bullet wound in the center of his forehead was clearly visible. The funeral was held under tight security, with the family, relatives, and many plainclothes police officers in attendance, as well as unidentified people who claimed to be friends or acquaintances of Mohammad. He was buried on February 16, 2011, in section 249, row 83, plot 6 of the Behesht Zahra cemetery. (ABC interview, June 14, 2024)

According to a family acquaintance, Mohammad's death certificate listed the cause of death as "gunshot trauma to the head.” (ABC Interview with Family Friend, June 14, 2024) 

Officials’ Reaction 

According to official statements, Mohammad Mokhtari's murder was attributed to the "Monafeqin" (a term used by the authorities to refer to members of opposition groups). The Fars News Agency referred to Mohammad as a "martyr of the unrest" and published reports of his funeral, claiming that it was held by "revolutionary citizens. (Fars News Agency, February 16, 2011)

On the night of Mohammad's death, government officials went to the Mokhtari family's home and offered to register him as a Basij member in exchange for compensation and benefits from the Martyrs Foundation. (ABC interview, June 14, 2024)

The authorities staged the funeral and burial with the participation of individuals unknown to the family who claimed to be relatives. During the ceremony, interviews and videotaping were conducted with individuals falsely claiming to be Mokhtari's relatives, including his mother. The family was not allowed to carry the coffin or have free access to the body. (ABC interview, June 14, 2024)

The Shahid Moghaddas (Evin) Security Prosecutor's Office closed the case filed by the Mokhtari family, stating that the case could not proceed because "the perpetrator could not be identified. According to the officials, "In many countries, murderers are not found, and we may never be able to identify the murderer in this case either. (Rooz Online, May 20, 2023) 

Familys’ Reaction

Mohammad Mokhtari's father: "We are not even asking for retaliation. We just want the murderer to be identified."

Esma'il Mokhtari, Mohammad's father, rejected the government's offer to recognize his son as a martyr in exchange for benefits. He told them that Mohammad had never been a Basij member, and that his Facebook page made it clear he was a protester, not someone aligned with the regime. The family filed a complaint with the Shahid Moghaddas Prosecutor's Office in Evin, demanding that those responsible for Mohammad's death be held accountable. (ABC interview, June 14, 2024)

In his quest for justice, Esma'il Mokhtari told the judicial authorities: "So many children have been killed and no one finds their killers. But in Mohammad's case, the bullet removed from his head clearly shows which weapon was used. There was also CCTV in the area". He continued, "We are not even asking for retaliation. Just tell us who the killer is." The authorities claimed that "Monafeqin" had killed his son. But Mr. Mokhtari rejected this narrative, insisting that the truth was clear. (Rooz Online, May 20, 2013)

Majid Mokhtari, Mohammad's brother, said, "It's heartbreaking - they even stole my brother's coffin. It's the height of cruelty to distort the truth and cover up the murderer by twisting the story.” He described the funeral as highly controlled and called the regime's appropriation of his brother's body "disgusting.” He added, "They turned everything upside down in front of the public." (JARAS, February 22, 2011)

According to a family acquaintance, the Mokhtari family had been under continuous pressure from security forces over the years to refrain from holding public commemorations. He expressed hope that a day would come when, in a fair Iranian court, the family could speak their truth and uncover the identity of their son’s killer. (ABC Interview, June 14, 2024)

Impacts on Family

According to available information, Mohammad's death had a profound emotional impact on his family. "They used to be a warm and close-knit family," said one relative. "But after Mohammad was killed, everything changed. It was like a dark curtain fell over their lives. The house became quiet, and their spirits were scattered." After Mohammad's story became public, other victims' families reached out to express sympathy and solidarity. (ABC Interview, June 14, 2024)

Majid Mokhtari, Mohammad’s brother, who was living in the United States at the time, learned about his brother’s death through Facebook posts and messages from friends. The shock was so severe that he was hospitalized. He later shared, “My family was pressured to remain silent about what had happened to Mohammad. They were warned, ‘You still have other children.’” Majid added, “Mohammad loved life. He dreamed of joining me in the United States—to live freely.” (JARAS, February 22, 2011)

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