Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Iman Valadbeigi

About

Age: 41
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: October 31, 2022
Location of Killing: Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Enforced disappearance

About this Case

Mr. Valadbeigi, a man of humor and jovial disposition, was not only a professional chess player but also a devoted enthusiast of the British rock band, Pink Floyd. He went missing after leaving his home during the "Woman, Life, Freedom" protests.

Information about the enforced disappearance of Iman Valadbeigi, son of Mojtaba, a 42-year-old resident of Tehran, was taken from the Telegram channel of Iran International TV (January 8, 2023). Additional information was obtained from an interview conducted by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) with an informed person (September 8, 2024), Etemad newspaper (March 14, 2023 and December 31, 2023), IranWire (July 20 and February 20, 2024), and the Iran International website (July 10, 2024).

According to his official birth certificate, Iman Valadbeigi was born on May 1, 1981, but he was actually born on March 8, 1982, in the city of Isfahan. Mr. Valadbeigi held a degree in mechanical engineering and worked professionally at an engineering firm on Sohrevardi Street in Tehran. According to an informed source, he played chess professionally and was deeply interested in the music of Pink Floyd, the legendary British rock band of the 1970s and 1980s. He also enjoyed writing personal diaries. Those close to him remember him as a unique blend of gentleness and wit - someone whose sharp sense of humor and playful banter left a lasting impression. (ABC Interview, September 8, 2024)

According to his father, Iman was critical of government policies and actively participated in the 2022 "Woman, Life, Freedom" protests. He spoke openly to those around him about his political demands and the events he witnessed during the protests. "Every night, Iman would sit across from me and talk about what he wanted," his father recalled. "He would tell me how he had peacefully joined the protests on this street or that street. He even shared the details of his presence at the protests" (Etemad newspaper, March 14, 2023)

2022 (Mahsa Amini) Protest background

Nationwide protests were sparked by the death in custody of 22-year old Kurdish woman Jina (Mahsa) Amini on September 16, 2022. Amini had been arrested by the morality police in Tehran for improper veiling on September 13 and sent brain dead to the hospital. The protests, which started in front of the hospital and continued in the city of Saqqez (Kordestan Province), where Mahsa was buried, were triggered by popular exasperation over the morality patrols, misleading statements of the authorities regarding the cause of Mahsa’s death and the resulting impunity for the violence used against detainees, as well as the mandatory veil in general. This protest, initially led by young girls and women who burned their veils and youth in general who chanted the slogan “Women, Life, Freedom,” rapidly took on a clear anti-regime tone, with protesters calling for an end to the Islamic Republic. The scope and duration of the protest was unprecedented. State efforts to withdraw the morality police from the streets and preventative arrests of journalists and political and civil society activists did not stop the protests. By the end of December 2022, protests had taken place in about 164 cities and towns, including localities that had never witnessed protests. Close to 150 universities, high schools, businesses, and groups including oil workers, merchants of the Tehran bazaar (among others), teachers, lawyers (at least 49 of whom had been arrested as of February 1st, 2023), artists, athletes, and even doctors joined these protests in various forms. Despite the violent crackdown and mass arrests, intense protests continued for weeks, at least through November 2022, with reports of sporadic activity continuing through the beginning of 2023.

The State’s crackdown was swift and accompanied by intermittent landline and cellular internet network shutdowns, as well as threats against and arrests of victims’ family members, factors which posed a serious challenge to monitoring protests and documenting casualties. The security forces used illegal, excessive, and lethal force with handguns, shotguns, and military assault rifles against protesters. They often targeted protesters’ heads and chests, shot them at close range, and in the back. Security forces have targeted faces with pellets, causing hundreds of protesters to lose their eyesight, and according to some reports women’s genitalia. The bloodiest crackdown took place on September 30th in Zahedan, Baluchestan Province, where a protest began at the end of the Friday sermon. The death toll is reported to be above 90 for that day. Many injured protesters, fearing arrest, did not go to hospitals where security forces have reportedly arrested injured protesters before and after they were treated.

By February 1, 2023, the Human Rights Activists News Agency reported the number of recorded protests to be 1,262. The death toll, including protesters and passersby, stood at 527, of whom 71 were children. The number of arrests (including of wounded protesters) was estimated at 19,603, of whom 766 had already been tried and convicted. More than 100 protesters were at risk of capital punishment, and four had been executed in December 2022 and January 2023 without minimum standards of due process. Authorities also claimed 70 casualties among state forces, though there are consistent reports from families of killed protesters indicating authorities have pressured them to falsely register their loved ones as such. Protesters, human rights groups, and the media have reported cases of beatings, torture (including to coerce confessions), and sexual assaults. Detainees have no access to lawyers during interrogations and their confessions are used in courts as evidence.

Public support and international solidarity with protesters have also been unprecedented (the use of the hashtag #MahsaAmini in Farsi and English broke world records) and on November 24, 2022, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution calling for the creation of a fact finding mission to “Thoroughly and independently investigate alleged human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran related to the protests that began on 16 September 2022, especially with respect to women and children.” 

Background of Extrajudicial Killings by the Islamic Republic of Iran 

The Islamic Republic of Iran has a long history of politically motivated violence in Iran and around the world. Since the 1979 Revolution, Islamic Republic operatives inside and outside the country have engaged in kidnapping, disappearing, and killing a large number of individuals whose activities they deemed undesirable. The actual number of the victims of extrajudicial killings inside Iran is not clear; however, these murders began in February 1979 and have continued since then, both inside and outside Iran. The Abdorrahman Boroumand Center has so far identified over 540 killings outside Iran attributed to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Dissidents have been assassinated by the agents of the Islamic Republic outside Iran in countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Japan, India, and Pakistan in Asia; Dubai, Iraq, and Turkey in the Middle East; Cyprus, France, Italy, Austria, Switzerland, Germany, Norway, Sweden, and Great Britain in Europe; and the United States across the Atlantic Ocean. In most cases, there has not been much published, and local authorities have not issued arrest warrants. But documentation, evidence, and traces obtained through investigations conducted by local police and judicial authorities confirm the theory of state committed crimes. In some instances, these investigations have resulted in the expulsion or arrest of Iranian diplomats. In a few cases outside Iran, the perpetrators of these murders have been arrested and put on trial. The evidence presented revealed the defendants’ connection to Iran’s government institutions, and an arrest warrant has been issued for Iran’s Minister of Information.

The manner in which these killings were organized and implemented in Iran and abroad is indicative of a single pattern which, according to Roland Chatelin, the Swiss prosecutor, contains common parameters and detailed planning. It can be ascertained from the similarities between these murders in different countries that the Iranian government is the principal entity that ordered the implementation of these crimes. Iranian authorities have not officially accepted responsibility for these murders and have even attributed their commission to internal strife in opposition groups. Nevertheless, since the very inception of the Islamic Republic regime, the Islamic Republic officials have justified these crimes from an ideological and legal standpoint. In the spring of 1979, Sadeq Khalkhali, the first Chief Shari’a Judge of the Islamic Revolutionary Courts, officially announced the regime’s decision to implement extrajudicial executions and justified the decision: “ … These people have been sentenced to death; from the Iranian people’s perspective, if someone wants to assassinate these individuals abroad, in any country, no government has any right to bring the perpetrator to trial as a terrorist, because such a person is the implementing agent of the sentence issued by the Islamic Revolutionary Court. Therefore, they are Mahduroddam and their sentence is death regardless of where they are.” More than 10 years after these proclamations, in a speech about the security forces’ success, Ali Fallahian, the regime’s Minister of Information, stated the following regarding the elimination of members of the opposition: “ … We have had success in inflicting damage to many of these little groups outside the country and on our borders.”

At the same time, various political, judicial, and security officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran have, at different times and occasions, confirmed the existence of a long term government policy for these extrajudicial killings and in some cases their implementation. 

Read more about the background of extrajudicial killings in the Islamic Republic of Iran by clicking on the left hand highlight with the same title.

Mr. Iman Valadbeigi’s Enforced Disappearance

According to available information, Iman Valadbeigi disappeared on November 29, 2022, , and his whereabouts remain unknown. (ABC interview, September 8, 2024)

On the morning of November 29, 2022, around 8:00 a.m., Mr. Valadbeigi left his home, as he did every day, to go to his workplace on Sohrevardi Street in Tehran. A few hours later, his family realized that he had accidentally left his cell phone at home. After finishing work, Mr. Valadbeigi reportedly joined a group of people in the street who were symbolically celebrating the defeat of the Iranian national soccer team as an act of protest. He managed to contact his family and said he was on his way home. That was the last time anyone heard from him. Since then, no information about his whereabouts has been made available. (IranWire, July 20 and February 20, 2024) 

Officials’ Reaction

In response to inquiries from Mr. Valadbeigi's father, judicial authorities stated: "There are many cases similar to Iman's and the number of missing people from the incidents in the fall of 2022 is very high" (IranWire, July 20, 2024)

Security and judicial institutions refused to provide the family with any definitive answers - either verbal or written - regarding Mr. Valadbeigi's fate. Officials also threatened the family, warning: "If you continue to pursue this matter, the same fate may befall other members of your family" (Etemad Newspaper, December 31, 2023)

Familys’ Reaction 

Following Mr. Valadbeigi's disappearance, his father sought information from various security and judicial institutions in Tehran, including the Evin Prosecutor's Office, the 27th District Prosecutor's Office, Tehran prisons, the Criminal Investigation Department, the forensic morgue, emergency services, the Ministry of Intelligence, and the IRGC Intelligence Organization. Despite these exhaustive efforts, the family has found no trace of him and remains unaware of his whereabouts. (Iran International, July 10, 2024)

In an interview with Etemad newspaper, his father stated: "For months I've been running between courthouses and prosecutor's offices on one side and forensic centers, prisons and detention centers on the other. But there hasn't been a single sign of Iman. I can no longer bring myself to look his mother in the eye. How is it possible for a 42-year-old man to disappear without a trace? (Etemad Newspaper, December 31, 2023)

Following Mr. Valadbeigi's disappearance, security forces put considerable pressure on the family - including threats to his brother's life - which forced them into silence for a period of time. (IranWire, July 20 and February 20, 2024) 

Impacts on Family 

According to available information, the continued uncertainty about Mr. Valadbeigi's fate has caused irreparable harm to his family. The constant repetition of the question "Where is our son?" - met only with silence and threats from the authorities - combined with the lack of any information about his fate, whereabouts, or what may have happened to him, has left his family in a state of unending fear and anxiety. However, Mr. Valadbeigi's family has never given up hope. They continue to search for any clue about his fate, to believe in his survival, and to hold on to the hope that one day he will return home. (Etemad Newspaper, December 31, 2023; IranWire, July 20 and February 20, 2024)

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