Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Farshid Haki

About

Age: 44
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim
Civil Status: Married

Case

Date of Killing: October 17, 2018
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Bagh-e Feiz, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Other extrajudicial method

About this Case

The last written words of Mr. Farshid Haki was the following: "People have nothing to lose but their chains."

Information about the extrajudicial execution of Mr. Farshid Haki, son of Mojtaba and Marzieh, married with one daughter, was obtained in an ABC interview with Mr. Behrang Ahmad Ejtehadi, maternal uncle of Mr. Haki (Jan. 26, 2024), ABC interview with Mr. Mohammad Moqimi, one of the legal representatives appointed by the family (June 12, 2023). The news of the extrajudicial execution of Mr. Haki was also published by ISNA News Agency  (Oct. 24, 2018), Rokna News Agency (Nov. 21, 2018), and the BBC Persian Service (Oct. 23, 2018 ). For the complementary material we have used interviews with people who closely worked with Mr. Haki; these were posted on the websites of Radio Zamaneh (Oct. 26, 2018, Oct. 23, 2018, and Oct. 17, 2019), Deutsche Welle (Oct.22, 2018), and on the weblog of Arman-e Shahrvandi (Nov. 22, 2018); we also used the information posted on Mr. Haki's page on LinkedIn (Oct. 8, 2016).

Mr. Farshid Haki was born on Dec. 16, 1974 in the town of Arak. He loved writing from an early age. After completing his high school studies and the compulsory military service he continued with his studies at the University of Mazandaran (North of Iran) and obtained a dual B.A. in economics and human rights; he eventually graduated with a PhD in economics. He was a lecturer at the university of Payam-e Nur, and a practising lawyer. He also advised businesses and economic periodicals as an external consultant. 

Mr. Haki's uncle described him as a person who "loved reading and writing. He enjoyed a good financial and social status."(ABC interview with Mr. Ahmad Ejtehadi, Jan. 26, 2024)

Mr. Haki was a socialist and considered the labor force and human rights activities particularly important. He was an honorary member in the Union of Mechanic Smelters and had founded a few NGOs whose mission was to protect children who were forced to labour and homeless women. Societal problems affected him deeply. He described himself as the "buddy of child labourers". Prostitution and homelessness upset him profoundly (ABC interview with Mr. Ahmad Ejtehadi, Jan. 26, 2024). Mr. Haki put himself forward as a candidate for Tehran City Council: the first time in 2013 and the second time in 2017, upon the request of the working force, but failed to get sufficient votes. His campaign slogan was "a coalition for the invisible" by which he intimated the work force and the destitute. His societal misgivings, his concern about the working class and human rights abuses, his expertise in economics and his love of writing led him to author a number of books including "Economic and Societal Rights of individuals in Iran", "The Concise Citizenship Utopia for the People of Iran", and "A Human Rights Dialogue for All". He was also an environmental activist. Together with a group of experts they conducted research on damages caused to nature by dumping nuclear waste, and issues related to water shortage. The researches provoked the ire of the authorities leading to the arrest of a number of the researchers and a ban on working for some others. 

Mr. Haki believed that it was possible to do some effective work even within the framework of the laws of the Islamic Republic. He attempted to register his own political party named "The Party of the Vanguards of Justice and Rights For the People of Iran" but confronted the opposition of the authorities (ABC interview with Mr. Ahmad Ejtehadi, , Jan. 26, 2024)

In a message posted on LinkedIn on October 8, 2016, Mr. Haki announced that starting from 2009 until then [i.e. 2016] he had applied nine times to the interior ministry to register his party, each time his application had been declined. He explained that his party's priorities were to achieve justice, rights and socio-economic progress (issues such as attainment of justice, diminishing societal damages suffered by victims of child labour, addiction, marginalized women, homeless people...through the application of rational political and scientific-based economic strategies and a dialogue of understanding). He declared that he had applied for a licence for the 10th time. The application never saw the day. (Mr. Haki's LinkedIn page, Oct. 8, 2016)

Mr. Haki was an active public speaker in political and social circles, where he harshly criticised the dire conditions prevailing life in Iran; stood up for political prisoners, such as Mr. Abdolfatah Soltani, a lawyer who had been jailed, and Ramin Hossein Panahi, a Kurdish political prisoner who was executed later; he condemned the killing of piggy backers; and defended political prisoners and prisoners of conscience incarcerated in Gohardasht Prison. He published articles on his own Telegram channel named "The Vanguards of Justice". One of the founding members of the "Vanguards" said that in one of the many attempts made by Haki to register the party of "Vanguards of Justice" he had been warned by an officer in the interior ministry not to "pursue efforts to register a party or anything of that nature". On Aug. 07, 2016, Siavash Aqajani, a security agent, introduced Mr. Haki as an economist representing a strayed movement and harshly rebuked his positions. He wrote on his weblog that a group that was represented by Mr. Haki published anti-Islam and anti-revolutionary material and had never received a warning. He described Mr. Haki "an advocate of western-style human rights instead of the perspicuous religion of Islam, a defender of homosexuals, of the separation of politics from religion, and a supporter of providing special hygienic care to prostitutes" (Radio Zamaneh, Oct. 23, 2018, Dec. 10, 2018)

In one of his public addresses Mr. Haki had said the following on the guarantee on the faithful execution of the constitution: In the Islamic Republic of Iran the safeguarding of freedom is the responsibility of the government and the nation. No individual, group or person, whatever their position, may take away the legitimate freedoms of the people, not even in the name of safeguarding the independence and the territorial integrity of the land, not even by passing laws and regulations. Therefore we see that the constitution grants no authority, not even any legislation or regulation the power to deprive people of their legitimate freedom (Article 9 of the Constitution) and no one is allowed to enforce his own rights at the expenses of another or by violating the common good (weblog of Arman Shahrvandi, Nov. 22, 2018)

One of the friends of Mr. Haki said: "Farshid was very steadfast, straight and reckless when it came to security matters". He said that Mr. Haki had received "serious warnings" from the security agents, but took no heed of them and insisted on citizen's rights all the same. He said they thought he may be arrested and kept behind bars. He too thought the same and joked about it. He used to say " don't forget stewed fruit when you come to visit me in prison". (Radio Zamaneh, Oct 23, 2018, Dec. 10, 2018)

Mr. Behrang Ahmad Ejtehadi, who was very close to him and is keen to keep his memory alive said that on several occasions he had made all necessary arrangements for Mr. Haki to leave Iran, but he never conceded to do so. He had told his uncle : "I am unable to come and live in peace on the Pacific coast. I must live amongst my people; with the poorest and the most destitute to see, feel and suffer their pain. What can I do there that would have any impact on them?" (ABC Interview with Mr. Ahmad Ejtehadi, Jan. 26, 2024)

Background of Extrajudicial Killings by the Islamic Republic of Iran

The Islamic Republic of Iran has a long history of politically motivated violence in Iran and around the world. Since the 1979 Revolution, Islamic Republic operatives inside and outside the country have engaged in kidnapping, disappearing, and killing a large number of individuals whose activities they deemed undesirable. The actual number of the victims of extrajudicial killings inside Iran is not clear; however, these murders began in February 1979 and have continued since then, both inside and outside Iran. The Abdorrahman Boroumand Center has so far identified over 540 killings outside Iran attributed to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Dissidents have been assassinated by the agents of the Islamic Republic outside Iran in countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Japan, India, and Pakistan in Asia; Dubai, Iraq, and Turkey in the Middle East; Cyprus, France, Italy, Austria, Switzerland, Germany, Norway, Sweden, and Great Britain in Europe; and the United States across the Atlantic Ocean. In most cases, there has not been much published, and local authorities have not issued arrest warrants. But documentation, evidence, and traces obtained through investigations conducted by local police and judicial authorities confirm the theory of state committed crimes. In some instances, these investigations have resulted in the expulsion or arrest of Iranian diplomats. In a few cases outside Iran, the perpetrators of these murders have been arrested and put on trial. The evidence presented revealed the defendants’ connection to Iran’s government institutions, and an arrest warrant has been issued for Iran’s Minister of Information.

The manner in which these killings were organized and implemented in Iran and abroad is indicative of a single pattern which, according to Roland Chatelin, the Swiss prosecutor, contains common parameters and detailed planning. It can be ascertained from the similarities between these murders in different countries that the Iranian government is the principal entity that ordered the implementation of these crimes. Iranian authorities have not officially accepted responsibility for these murders and have even attributed their commission to internal strife in opposition groups. Nevertheless, since the very inception of the Islamic Republic regime, the Islamic Republic officials have justified these crimes from an ideological and legal standpoint. In the spring of 1979, Sadeq Khalkhali, the first Chief Shari’a Judge of the Islamic Revolutionary Courts, officially announced the regime’s decision to implement extrajudicial executions and justified the decision: “ … These people have been sentenced to death; from the Iranian people’s perspective, if someone wants to assassinate these individuals abroad, in any country, no government has any right to bring the perpetrator to trial as a terrorist, because such a person is the implementing agent of the sentence issued by the Islamic Revolutionary Court. Therefore, they are Mahduroddam and their sentence is death regardless of where they are.” More than 10 years after these proclamations, in a speech about the security forces’ success, Ali Fallahian, the regime’s Minister of Information, stated the following regarding the elimination of members of the opposition: “ … We have had success in inflicting damage to many of these little groups outside the country and on our borders.”

At the same time, various political, judicial, and security officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran have, at different times and occasions, confirmed the existence of a long term government policy for these extrajudicial killings and in some cases their implementation. 

Read more about the background of extrajudicial killings in the Islamic Republic of Iran by clicking on the left hand highlight with the same title.

Threats and the Extrajudicial Execution of Mr. Farshid Haki

According to the available information, Mr. Farshid Haki disappeared on Wednesday Oct. 17, 2018 on the way from the university to his home. On the same evening, residents of a suburb in the west of Tehran (Bagh-e Feiz) reported to the police that a vehicle had been set on fire. When the officers of the local police station arrived on the scene they discovered the burnt body of a man on the back seat of a car. Three days later, on October 20, 2018 judiciary agents reached out to Mr. Haki's family to break the news of his death. (Radio Zamaneh, Sept. 24, 2019)

Eight months before his death, and while he was conducting research on an environment-related issue, Mr. Haki had been badly beaten up by two unidentified motorcyclists in Tehran. He had told his uncle that he felt he had been constantly followed by people that he didn't know. A few days before his death, security agents had raided his house and seized his personal belonging and electronic devices (Interview of Mr. Behran Ahmad Ejtehadi with ABC, Jan. 26, 2024)

Shortly before his death Mr. Haki had forwarded to Mr. Moqimi, a close friend of his, a message from a Telegram Group. He had received that message from a friend. The message was a conversation about him between two security agents. One of the agents told the other that "when Saeed Emami, the environmental activist, died in suspicious circumstances while in custody by the interior ministry, I thought of Mr. Haki of whom I have spoken to you in the past". He said that he thought Mr. Haki was a dangerous, anti-revolutionary and anti-Islam individual, who in the name of protecting children from child labour and [in the name of] addressing societal problems abused the constitution. He recommended a "special team" to surveil Mr. Haki. Mr. Moqimi had asked Mr. Haki how serious he thought those threats could be. Mr. Haki had described them as either blind or targeted threats. He had said that he had received many threats in the past but in recent times nothing new had happened (ABC Interview with Mr. Moqimi, May 23, 2023)

On the eve of October 11, 2018, at 09:22 p.m. Mr. Haki posted his last message in writing on the Telegram channel of the "Pioneers of Justice". He wrote: "now, at the beginning of fall in 2018, it can be said, with certainty and in reliance on socio-economic indices and the general public discontent, that Marx's class interpretation of the working class applies to the entire population of Iran. Today, people have nothing to lose but their chains . Strikes and union protests are indications of the critical situation that has caused deep havoc in the structure of the economic and political system, and has driven people to the end of the rope.(Radio Zamaneh, November 2018)

The security apparatus has never issued a thorough report of the details of the assassination of Mr. Haki; several narratives have been suggested but it is impossible to validate any of them.

Abdolreza Davari, a political activist, wrote in a message on X (formerly Twitter) that Mr. Haki was stabbed to death by unidentified individuals and his corps was burnt (Deutsche Welle, Sept.25, 2018)

Mr. Haki's burial ceremony was held on Oct. 26, 2018 in Tehran's cemetery of Behesht-e zahra in the presence of his family and friends, in a sober and extremely charged atmosphere due to the presence of the security agents.

Officials’ Reaction

According to the statement of the authorities, Mr. Haki committed suicide.

Mr. Jafari Dolatabadi, the then public prosecutor of Tehran, announced that when the body of Mr. Haki was being delivered to the family, they refused to accept it; they said it was not his body. After a DNA examination the identity of Mr. Haki was confirmed. The public prosecutor added that two persons had been arrested in relation to the case, and that they were awaiting the result of a toxicology test. (ISNA, Oct. 24, 2018)

Hossein Rahimi, the then Chief Police of Tehran, announced that the cause of the was suicide and said that the Forensic Medicine Department had reported that Mr. Haki had self-immolated and had not been murdered. He added that according to the family members he had been unhappy with life for some time and had announced his intention to end his life. The Chief Police of Tehran accused those who claimed that Mr. Haki had been assassinated of disconcerting the public opinion and threatened the authors of such claims with persecution. (ISNA, Oct. 23, 2018)

But on the same day, the Forensic Medicine Department in Tehran issued a statement and announced: "in relation to the opinion attributed to the Forensic Medicine Department related to a burnt body discovered in a vehicle set on fire which has been ascribed to a certain Farshid Haki, we hereby declare that this Department has issued no opinion in relation to that matter" (BBC Persian, October 23, 2018)

Tasnim News Agency insisted on the hypothesis of suicide and rejected the hypothesis of a political assassination.Tasnim wrote: "Mr. Haki was neither a particularly renowned person, nor a prominent opposition figure "(ISNA, October 23, 2018)

According to the available information, following the death of Mr. Haki, the security apparatus accused his wife and 16-year-old daughter of the assassination of Mr. Haki (ABC interview with Mr. Moqimi, June 12, 2023)

Family’s Reaction

The family of Mr. Haki rejected the hypothesis of suicide.

Mohammad Moqimi, the legal representative of the family, too rejected the hypothesis of suicide and said: "I was a close friend of Mr. Haki. He was a cheerful person and intended to create the "Pioneers in Justice" establishment. He also said that the police had initially stated that Mr. Haki had been stabbed to death and then his body had been placed in the vehicle (Deutsche Welle, October 23, 2018)

The family of Mr. Haki appointed Mr. Moqimi to represent them in the case, but he encountered obstacles from the security apparatus and the criminal prosecution authorities who impeded his access to the file. The security apparatus has also put pressure on the family to ensure that they would remain silent. (ABC interview with Mr. Mohammad Moqimi, June 12, 2023).

Impact on the Family

No information is available on the impact of the extrajudicial assassination of Mr. Farshid Haki on his family members.

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