Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Mehdi Salmanzadeh

About

Age: 14
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: December 28, 2019
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Qa'emieh, Eslamshahr, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Other extrajudicial method
Charges: Unknown charge
Age at time of alleged offense: 14

About this Case

Mehdi Salmanzadeh was only 14, yet quite concerned and fearless. Mehdi openly expressed his discontent with the government, even at school.

Information about the extrajudicial execution of Mr. Mehdi Salmanzadeh, son of Reza and Nasrin, born in Tehran, was obtained from an interview conducted by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center with a knowledgeable person on August 16, 2023. Additional information was taken from Independent Farsi ( August 12, 2022), Voice of America (January 12, 2024), and Kayhan London (June 16, 2021).

Based on the available information, Mr. Mehdi Salmanzadeh was an eighth-grade student and the second child in his family. Despite his young age, he was concerned and fearless. In 2017, he witnessed the arrest of his father at their home. (His father had been politically active since 2009, facing several arrests and had spent two years in prison due to his advocacy for democracy and secularism.) Following this incident, Mehdi openly expressed his discontent with the government, even at school. (Kayhan London June 16, 2021) Consequently, he actively participated in the November 2019 protests, particularly incensed by the deaths of protesters, including children. He talked about the  November 2019 protests on his Instagram page, participated in the protests, and advocated for the  children who lost their lives during those events. (ABC’s interview on August 16, 2023)

Mehdi's father speaks of him, stating, "During the November 2019 protests, Mehdi insisted on joining me. On November 17, 2019, I took him to the protests in Eslamshahr, where he chanted slogans and documented the events. He actively promoted the December 26, 2019 gathering (on the 40th day of the passing of those who were killed during November 2019 protests) to encourage participation. He was particularly distressed by the deaths of Nikta Esfandani, a fourteen-year-old girl, and Mohsen Mohammadpur, a worker who was fatally beaten. These incidents deeply saddened him, leading to constant tears. He questioned, 'How can children like me impact the country's system? What changes can we make that they are killing children?'" (Kayhan London, June 16, 2021)

On December 26, 2019, he and his father had attended the 40th-day memorial at Behesht-e Sakineh in Karaj, honoring those killed in November. The memorial event escalated into violence against participants, with the presence of numerous security officers. Mehdi was recording the scene with his mobile phone when one of the agents identified him, engaged in a confrontation with him, and smashed his mobile phone. (ABC’s interview on August 16, 2023)

Mehdi's relatives fondly recall him as a bright and cheerful teenager.

Background on the November 2019 protests

Just before midnight on November 14, 2019, the Iranian government announced a sharp increase in the price of gasoline (50% for subsidized gas and 200% for unsubsidized gas). The announcement led to countrywide protests starting on November 15. Based on available reports and video footage, non-violent protesters gathered in public places, blocked some roads and created traffic jams while chanting anti-government slogans on November 15 and 16. They called on fellow citizens to turn off their cars or chanted anti-regime slogans* in scores of cities and localities. By the evening of November 16, banks were reportedly set on fire in some areas and shooting was heard in some videos. The same evening, Iran imposed a countrywide information blackout by cutting off citizens’ access to the world web for at least ten days, undermining protesters’ ability to organize or to report on the state’s brutal response to their protest.** 

Iranian authorities’ response to unarmed protesters was swift, disproportionate, and deadly. Accusatory statements of the Islamic Republic’s leaders as early as November 16 indicated their lack of tolerance for citizens’ public expression of grievances. Protesters were accused of “evildoing” and having links to forces outside the country and were warned of harsh punishment for damaging properties. The first casualty was reported on November 15. On the second day of the protests, casualties increased with deadly shootings by the security forces in several cities. In videos sent from Iran, security forces can be seen using firearms and aiming at protesters in circumstances that do not appear to be life threatening. Plainclothes militias can also be seen beating and arresting protesters. In some cases, protesters blocked roads or gathered in front of police stations and government buildings, or chased security forces away with stones. Banks and other public structures in several provinces were burned, apparently by angry protesters, and security forces can be seen in videos damaging properties. The protest, which spread to scores of cities (120), roads and localities outside urban areas was quashed within a few days.

At the time of this writing, The exact number of casualties remains unknown. In most cases, the authorities took dead and injured protesters away. In an effort to conceal the truth, authorities made families commit to silence in return for their loved ones’ bodies, forced some to bury them at night under security agent control, and asked others to pay various sums of money. On December 2, 2019, Amnesty International reported at least 208 deaths. Many protesters were shot in the head and hundreds more were injured and many are not accounted for. Iran acknowledged the death of five members of the security forces. According to one parliamentarian, at least 7,000 were arrested during and in the aftermath of the protest. The lack of transparency on arrests, official reports about detainees’ self-incriminating “confessions” in the immediate aftermath of the protests, and reports from overcrowded prisons and detention centers raised serious concerns about the safety of detainees.

Background of Extrajudicial Killings by the Islamic Republic of Iran

The Islamic Republic of Iran has a long history of politically motivated violence in Iran and around the world. Since the 1979 Revolution, Islamic Republic operatives inside and outside the country have engaged in kidnapping, disappearing, and killing a large number of individuals whose activities they deemed undesirable. The actual number of the victims of extrajudicial killings inside Iran is not clear; however, these murders began in February 1979 and have continued since then, both inside and outside Iran. The Abdorrahman Boroumand Center has so far identified over 540 killings outside Iran attributed to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Dissidents have been assassinated by the agents of the Islamic Republic outside Iran in countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Japan, India, and Pakistan in Asia; Dubai, Iraq, and Turkey in the Middle East; Cyprus, France, Italy, Austria, Switzerland, Germany, Norway, Sweden, and Great Britain in Europe; and the United States across the Atlantic Ocean. In most cases there has not been much published and the local authorities have not issued arrest warrants. But documentation, evidence, and traces obtained through investigations conducted by local police and judicial authorities confirm, however, the theory of state committed crimes. In certain cases, these investigations have resulted in the expulsion or arrest of Iranian diplomats. In limited cases outside Iran, the perpetrators of these murders have been arrested and put on trial and the evidence presented, revealed the defendants’ connection to Iran’s government institutions, and an arrest warrant has been issued for Iran’s Minister of Information.

The manner in which these killings were organized and implemented in Iran and abroad, is indicative of a single pattern which, according to Roland Chatelin, the Swiss prosecutor, contains common parameters and detailed planning. It can be ascertained from the similarities between these murders in different countries that the Iranian government is the principal entity who ordered the implementation of these crimes. Iranian authorities have not officially accepted responsibility for these murders and have even attributed their commission to internal strife in opposition groups. Nevertheless, since the very inception of the Islamic Republic regime, the Islamic Republic officials have justified these crimes from an ideological and legal standpoint. In the spring of 1979, Sadeq Khalkhali, the first Chief Shari’a Judge of the Islamic Revolutionary Courts, officially announced the regime’s decision to implement extrajudicial executions, and justified the decision: “ … These people have been sentenced to death; from the Iranian people’s perspective, if someone wants to assassinate these individuals abroad, in any country, no government has any right to bring the perpetrator to trial as a terrorist, because such a person is the implementing agent of the sentence issued by the Islamic Revolutionary Court. Therefore, they are Mahduroddam and their sentence is death regardless of where they are.” More than 10 years after these proclamations, in a speech about the security forces’ success, Ali Fallahian, the regime’s Minister of Information stated the following regarding the elimination of members of the opposition: “ … We have had success in inflicting damage to many of these little groups outside the country and on our borders”

At the same time, various political, judicial, and security officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran have, at different times and occasions, confirmed the existence of a long term government policy for these extrajudicial killings and in some cases their implementation. *

Mr. Mehdi Salmanzadeh’s threats and extrajudicial execution

Mehdi Salmanzadeh was murdered on December 28, 2019, in his bedroom at his home in the Qa’emieh neighborhood of Eslamshahr.

According to a reliable source, Mehdi's activism on social networks against the Islamic Republic led to death threats from unknown individuals. Mehdi had discussed these threats with his family. The same source reported that after returning from the December 26 memorial, and advised by his doctor, Mehdi was  resting at home for two days due to exposure to tear gas, and experiencing severe coughs. On December 28, 2019, at 4:00 p.m., Mehdi's mother left the house to go shopping. His father and brother had also gone to work that morning, leaving Mehdi alone at home. At 6:30 p.m., when Mehdi's mother returned home, she found Mehdi's laptop in the corner of a room and the door to his bedroom half-opened. Mehdi's lifeless naked body, , was discovered hanging from the rod in his bedroom closet, secured with tightly knotted sheets, while his clothes were scattered on the floor.

Upon hearing Mehdi's mother's screams out of fear, the neighbors rushed to their house and called for emergency assistance. Emergency services transported Mehdi's body to Emam Reza Hospital, but did not let his mother ride along in the ambulance.  Mehdi's father and brother who were informed of his passing via phone, promptly made their way to the hospital.

At 3:00 a.m. on December 29, three police officers proceeded to Mr. Salmanzadeh's house for a preliminary investigation after examining the body at the hospital. Based on their initial findings, the police concluded that the incident was a professionally executed murder, and one of the detectives verbally confirmed it to the family. They indicated that the perpetrator seemed to be well-built and had skillfully tied the sheet. Additionally, Mehdi had been strangled with a thin wire, leaving distinct marks on his neck before being hanged. Signs of a struggle were also evident in another area of the bedroom. The bruises on Mehdi's neck differed from those caused by the sheet and hanging. Mehdi's height was 173 cm, and the pole from which he was hanged measured 170 cm from the floor, allowing his feet to touch the ground. A comb with bloodied hair and traces of blood were observed on the room's floor, and the gas heater was broken with blood stains on it.

A CCTV camera installed 30 meters away from the house captured the image of an unknown man leaving the building at 08:50 PM after Mehdi's murder. It was not clear what time this stranger had entered the building and the CCTV had only recorded his exit. All the residents of the building and the neighbors were asked, but none of them knew this person.  He was described as a tall, strong man wearing dress pants, a white shirt, and a dark jacket, with a long beard and low back hair. None of the neighbors recognized this individual.

Security agents prevented the family from viewing Mehdi's body; his father could only glimpse his face. However, when Mehdi's body was transferred to the washhouse, his uncles managed to see it. They noted bruises and wounds on Mehdi's legs.

Following Mehdi's death, his Instagram page became unavailable. His mobile phone had been previously damaged by security agents at Behesht Sakineh, and the family couldn't access his Instagram account as they didn’t know the password.

Mehdi's burial took place on December 29, 2019, in Behesht Sakineh, Karaj, organized by his family and in the presence of security officers. Despite the family's protests, security agents refused them the opportunity to view Mehdi's body even at the funeral, insisting that “the ceremony needs to run calmly and quietly”. (ABC’s interview on August 16, 2023)

Officials’ Reaction

The judicial and security authorities did not provide an official response to Mehdi Salmanzadeh's death. In his death certificate, the cause is indicated as "suffocation by pressure on the vital elements of the neck using a flexible soft object." Additionally, the Eslamshahr Intelligence Department claimed they were unaware of three police officers who had conducted the initial search of the body and the house following Mehdi's murder. Despite the initial investigation, the police did not pursue further inquiries into Mehdi's murder. They neither dispatched anyone for local investigation nor utilized fingerprinting, bloodstain analysis, or efforts to identify the individual who left the house after Mehdi's death.

Following a commemoration ceremony three days after Mehdi's death, the Eslamshahr Police Criminal Investigation Department summoned his family. The case officer announced the cause of death as "suicide."

Finally, two months after Mehdi's murder, the Fourth Investigation Branch of the Eslamshahr General and Revolutionary Prosecutor's Office issued a "prohibition order" upon Mr. Salmanzadeh's family's complaint regarding Mehdi's murder. Referring to medication Mehdi took for several months as a six-year-old for his hyper activity, the person in charge of the investigation informed the family that the results indicated Mehdi had committed suicide. However, he denied Mehdi's family access to the forensic report.

In the final order of the prosecutor's office, issued on February 25, 2019, by Investigator Hatef Ahmadieh Khanesar, head of the fourth branch of public and revolutionary investigation in Eslamshahr city, and available to the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center, it states: "Regarding the report from the bailiffs and the complaint filed by Reza Salmanzadeh and Nasrien Dara’i against an unknown individual accused of intentional homicide, the case was placed under investigation. Upon examination of the body, no signs or symptoms indicating a conflict between the deceased and any person or persons were found, and local investigations did not confirm any disturbances suggesting a confrontation. Given the lack of sufficient evidence to establish and attribute the crime, and in accordance with the general rule of acquittal as outlined in Article 265 of the Criminal Procedure Law approved in 2013 and subsequent amendments, an order prohibiting the prosecution of the accused is hereby issued and announced." (ABC’s interview on August 16, 2023)

The authorities' response to Mehdi's father's efforts in pursuing follow-ups, lawsuits, and supporting the families of the victims of November 2019 was his arrest and subsequent conviction. On May 12, 2022, security forces apprehended him at his home and transferred him to Ward 209 of the Ministry of Intelligence in Evin Prison. During the arrest, security agents also seized some of Mehdi's personal belongings during a search of the house. According to the verdict issued by Branch 26 of Tehran Revolutionary Court, Reza Salmanzadeh was sentenced to one year in prison for "propaganda activity against the government" and two years and eight months for "membership in illegal groups with the aim of disrupting the security of the country". (Independent Farsi quoted Hrana, August 12, 2022)

Family’s Reaction

After Mehdi's death, his family filed a complaint against the suspected murderer, as captured on CCTV leaving the scene, at the Eslamshahr Police Criminal Investigation Department. They provided evidence found at the scene, such as the blood-stained comb, photos showing the heater was broken and had blood on it, and the blood on the floor, to support their case. However, the department dismissed their complaint, ruling Mehdi's death as suicide. The family contested this ruling and stated that the  investigators had initially declared the cause of death as "homicide" during the investigation of the crime scene. Once their efforts and those of their lawyer to locate the crime scene investigators  and pursue legal recourse failed, they  felt disheartened about the prospects of justice for Mehdi.

Meanwhile, Mehdi's father, Mr. Reza Salmanzadeh, stood in solidarity with other families who had lost loved ones in the November 2019 protests.

After being exiled to Ghezel Hesar prison, Mr. Salmanzadeh penned a letter from prison dated November 15, 2023, “marking the fourth year from the  passing of  4,811 of our loved ones who were killed in November 2019". He highlighted the continued pressure faced by many victims' families, preventing them from speaking out.

Impacts on Family

According to available information, the situation of the Salmanzadeh family underwent a profound change following the murder of their son. The core of their family was shattered, and the psychological and other repercussions persisted for years afterward. Mehdi's mother endured severe emotional trauma and continues to grapple with its profound psychological impact. She has withdrawn into seclusion and silence. For a long period of time, the family lived in fear of security forces entering their home.

Reza Salmanzadeh, also expressed in an interview prior to his arrest and conviction: "We were a family of four, somewhat isolated from relatives and extended family. With Mehdi's passing, our isolation deepened, and our entire life was shattered. Besides Mehdi, three other individuals perished. His mother, now a  zombie, has been hospitalized multiple times and relies on antipsychotic medication. I cannot leave her alone at home, as she was the first to encounter the tragic scene and now suffers from mental health issues. To ensure her safety, I accompany her to a shoe factory where several men work, keeping her company from morning till night, and we return home together in the evening."

Our lives are unequivocally shattered. My eldest son was on the brink of marriage; however, he called off the engagement, declaring that he wouldn't commit to anyone until he finds his brother's killer. He vowed to ensure that person's life is as ruined as ours. Mehdi's death has completely devastated us. I used to own a workshop with ten employees, but now I work as a laborer myself. I've dedicated my entire asset to seeking justice for Mehdi, but unfortunately, I've made no progress. The four of us are now zombies. His mother, his brother –Payam-, and I are all just existing, devoid of any true life. ( Kayhan London, June 16, 2021)

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* Slogans included: “We are just tired,” “What a mistake we made with the revolution,” “Reza Shah, may your soul rest in peace,” ”Death to the dictator,” “We will get our rights, we will not accept indignity,” “How long should the money of Iranians go to Gaza and Lebanon’s pockets?,” and “We are people, not hooligans. Gas should be cheaper”
** Internet access for homes was partially restored in most provinces (except in Khuzestan and Sistan and Baluchestan) but citizens had no access to the world web through mobile phones until early December 2019. Phone services and national Internet, which can be more easily controlled by the state, allowed communications throughout this period.

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