On Monday, November 10, 2008, Mr. Ali Dehvari was fatally shot by two assailants riding motorcycles with covered faces while he was visiting one of the mosques in Saravan. Mr. Dehvari had been actively involved in the construction of this mosque.

Information regarding the extrajudicial execution of Mr. Ali Dehvari, also known as Molavi Sheikh Ali, son of Mohammad Nur and Fatemeh, was gathered from interviews with Mr. An'am Dehvari, one of his children. These interviews took place on three separate occasions: November 17, 2022; October 20, 2023; and January 22, 2024. Additionally, interviews were conducted with Habibollah Sarbazi, a Baloch activist, on December 14, 2023. Data was also collected from various sources to complement the information on this case. These include the websites of IMNA news agency (December 14, 2022), Sunninews- Iranian Sunni database (November 13, 2009), Kayhan newspaper (November 16, 2008), Tabnak news agency (November 11, 2008), IRNA-Islamic Republic news agency (November 11, 2008), Tasnim News Agency (August 5, 2021), Hrana, Human Rights Activists News Agency (January 17, 2022), Baloch Activists Campaign (January 5, 2015, December 21 and 25, 2016), Iran Wire (January 26, 2017), MelliunIran website (April 7, 2014), Radio Zamaneh (April 2, 2009), Persian BBC (April 6, 2009), Jask City Sunni blog, KalamehTV YouTube channel (August 2, 2012), Emran Dehvari YouTube channel (April 30, 2009), Bam Dashti blog (Mid-November 2008), the book "Thoughts of Salafism in Sistan and Baluchestan Province," written by Mohammad Bagher Heidari (Ashianeh Mehr Publishing, 2012), and an audio file of a speech by Sheikh Ali Dehvari (December 2005, available at the Boroumand Center archive).

Sheikh Ali Dehvari was born on March 25, 1960, in Aspich village, five kilometers from Saravan in Sistan Baluchestan province. He was born into a Baloch Sunni family. Although he spent his childhood and completed his elementary education in the same village, he pursued his secondary education in Saravan City. Sheikh Ali's passion for religious studies emerged early, leading him to dedicate his summer days as a student to learning in Saravan's Islamic religious seminaries (Hawza), including the "Gosht Einol Oloum Institute." (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022)

In 1981-1982, Dehvari was awarded a scholarship from the "Islamic University of Madinah" and traveled to Saudi Arabia to pursue his studies. After completing his studies and graduating in 1988-1989, he returned to Iran proficient in the Arabic language, earning a bachelor's degree in "Hadith Science and Islamic Studies". Mr. Dehvari held the rank of "molavi*" in terms of Islamic scholarship. However, due to his rejection of the principle of "Taqlid," he did not adhere to any of the four Sunni schools of thought. An'am Dehvari, one of Sheikh Ali Dehvari's children, explains, "The distinction between my father and other Sunnis of Sistan and Baluchestan lay in his divergence from Hanafi ideology and jurisprudence. He emphasized that we do not adhere to the principle of imitation (Taqlid) in jurisprudence. Sunnis typically follow one of the four major schools of thought (Shafi'i, Ghazali, Hanafi, Hanbali), considering themselves disciples of one of these four imams. However, my father used to assert that we cannot blindly imitate these four schools, especially in their errors. Instead, we must seek out the correct interpretations." (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022), Iran Wire (January 26, 2017). The book "Thoughts of Salafism in Sistan and Baluchestan" mentions the "Dar al-Hadith of Imam Bukhari" school, which was established by Sheikh Ali Dehvari, as one of the "non-imitator" seminaries (Mohammed Bagher Heidari, 2012, page 71). Mr. Dehvari adhered to the ideology of "Salafism" and believed in the fundamental principles of Islam, advocating for a return to the understanding of the Prophet's disciples and direct reference to Islamic reference texts. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, October 20, 2023). He vehemently opposed the proliferation of "superstitions" in society, particularly practices such as "grave worship" and mourning rituals at the graves of the deceased. (ABC Interview with Habibollah Sarbazi, on December 14, 2023). Mr. Dehvari believed that "the closeness of Shia and Sunnis necessitates acknowledging their differences." He expressed, "I do not criticize Shia beliefs, although I do not personally accept them. Similarly, I expect Shia scholars not to misrepresent Sunni beliefs in Shia pulpits and on television." (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022, and October 20, 2023)

Upon his return to Iran, Mr. Dehvari's studies in Saudi Arabia immediately drew attention from government forces, leading to heightened sensitivity. An'am Dehvari recalls his father's efforts to transport his books to Iran through Pakistan in 1989-1990, while he was serving his military service in the governorate of Khash city. However, the books were confiscated at the border under the pretext of being labeled as "Wahhabism." This event resulted in heightened scrutiny of Mr. Dehvari by security institutions, leading to weekly interrogations in Zahedan. Two months later, he was prohibited from continuing his service as a soldier in Khash governorate and was sent to Tehran to complete the remainder of his military duty, despite being married and having a child at the time. Dehvari's family recalls, "He experienced extensive harassment during his time in the army. To monitor his beliefs and activities, he was reassigned to the ideological and political section of the army in Tehran." (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022)

Upon completing his military service in 1991-1992, Mr. Dehvari served as a temporary Imam of Friday Prayer at Darul-Uloom Zangian School and Noor Mosque in Saravan. Subsequently, in 1998, he became the main Imam of Friday Prayer at the Sediq Akbar Mosque, which he had established. Additionally, he supported himself and his family by working at an auto spare parts shop. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022, and October 20, 2023), (IMNA news agency, December 14, 2022).

Mr. Dehvari was instrumental in the construction of numerous mosques, with a particular focus on the Saravan region, through the collection of donations from the local community. According to some reports, he was involved in the building of as many as thirty mosques and Kuttab (a type of elementary school in Islam). (IMNA news agency, December 14, 2022) and (Jask City Sunni blog).

In 2002, Dehvari established the "Dar al-Hadith Imam Bukhari School." This religious educational institution was funded by public donations but was under his management. The school offered instruction in various religious disciplines and attracted students not only from Sistan and Baluchestan but also from relatively Sunni-dominated regions such as Talesh and Kurdistan. Sheikh Ali was also keen on engaging in collaborative activities. In 2003, following the devastating "Bam" earthquake in Kerman province, he played an active role in gathering public assistance in Saravan city and dispatching it to the earthquake-affected areas. Alongside these endeavors, in 2004, he launched a magazine titled "Sunnah," focusing on Sunni jurisprudence and fatwas. Despite lacking official permission, he proceeded with its publication. However, his efforts to secure official authorization were unsuccessful, and the publication faced opposition. It ceased production after seven issues, with the final edition released in April 2005. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022, and October 20, 2023).

Sheikh Ali broke away from the conventional practice of Friday Prayer Imams, who typically focused solely on religious topics in their sermons. Instead, he addressed societal issues and the responsibilities of government officials. During a speech in December 2005, on the eve of then-President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's visit to Sistan and Baluchestan Province, Mr. Dehvari stressed the importance of upholding the 20th Article of the Constitution law, which proclaims equality for "all people of the nation." He asserted, "Government positions should be granted based on merit... Regardless of Sunni or Shia affiliation, everyone should be treated equally. Every citizen of this country deserves equal treatment under the law." (Archive of Boroumand Center)

Another characteristic of his weekly sermons was his preference for speaking in Persian and his support for the participation of women in congregational and Friday prayers. (Hujjat al-Islam Ghadir Mohammadian, Kayhan newspaper November 16, 2008) This also led to an expansion in his audience, resulting in more crowded Friday prayers and the attendance of young people and intellectuals at his lectures. His son remarks, "Despite being a religious figure, Sheikh Ali had cultivated numerous relationships with non-religious groups, particularly cultural organizations, and regularly engaged with them during weekly gatherings. Consequently, his center evolved into not only a religious education institution but also a social hub. This combination of activities contributed to Mr. Dehvari's popularity among the local populace." (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022)

One of his children revealed that the authorities' disagreement with Mr. Dehvari's views and statements hindered some of his activities. For instance, in 1999, he participated in the national and state "Notary**" exam to obtain a license as an official registrar of marriages and divorces. Despite passing the exam, his qualification was not confirmed during the selective interview stage. Similarly, in 2002, his candidacy for city council elections was rejected by the Guardian Council. Additionally, in 2005, his request for an official license for a magazine titled "Sunnah," focusing on Sunni hadiths and jurisprudential rulings, was met with opposition. This magazine had previously been published without a license, with seven issues released. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022, and October 20, 2023).

Unlike most Sunni scholars, Mr. Dehvari actively participated in the meetings of "Islamic Unity Week.”*** According to Hujjat al-Islam Ghadir Mohammadian, the former Shia Imam of Friday Prayer of Saravan (until October 2009), Dehvari was actively involved in all the scientific and research conferences organized by the leadership office for Sunni affairs and interfaith rapprochement, engaging in theological debates with both Shia and Sunni scholars (Kayhan newspaper, November 16, 2008). In this regard, he frequently engaged in televised and public debates with Shiite scholars and authorities. Mr. Dehvari participated in numerous religious debates, both in person and over the phone, addressing Shia and Sunni issues. His readiness to engage in ideological debates made him a frequent guest on debate programs aired by Shia TV channels such as the "Salam" channel. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022)

Sheikh Ali Dehvari was married and blessed with 8 children. An'am Dehvari, his son, characterizes him as a "patient" and "strategic" individual, describing him as kind-hearted and deeply invested in the success of his children. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022)

Background of Threats and Pressures

Throughout his years of religious activism, Sheikh Ali Dehvari faced repeated slander and verbal abuse from his opponents (Jask City Sunni blog). As his activities expanded in Baluchestan and he continued engaging in ideological debates with Shiite scholars, he garnered increasing attention from security institutions.

Under pressure from security forces, Sheikh Ali Dehvari was obliged to hand over recordings of his speeches and sermons to the Intelligence Service Department. An'am Dehvari, his son, recounts an incident: "Once, my father gave me a CD of his speech and instructed me to deliver it to a particular individual visiting the mosque. When I asked who he was, my father revealed that he was from the Ministry of Intelligence." An'am recalls another encounter: "One night, my father appeared tense. He urged us to dress appropriately because we had esteemed guests. Later, we discovered they were officials from the Ministry of Intelligence, arriving from Tehran in a Peugeot 405 car. As I served them food, I overheard their conversation. They admonished my father, stating that his opposition was harmful to the government, and advised him to avoid expressing his opinions publicly. In response, my father asserted, 'We have always followed the same path, as have all scholars before us, yet nothing has changed."(Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022)

An'am Dehvari, the son of Sheikh Ali Dehvari, emphasized in a separate interview that his father had no affiliation with Wahhabism or Saudi Arabia. He stated, "The government used the Wahhabi label to discredit him." (Iran Wire, January 26, 2017)

Sheikh Ali Dehvari engaged in three debates with Ayatollah Seyed Mohammad Hosseini Qazvini, who served as a close relative of Ayatollah Makarem Shirazi (a Shi’a religious reference in and religious leader in Qom) and his plenipotentiary representative in Afghanistan, discussing Shia and Sunni ideological matters. During this period, Mr. Qazvini held positions as the director of the "Vali Asr Research Institute" and the director of "Velayat TV," a media outlet often described as "the sole network opposing Wahhabism." (Tasnim News Agency, August 5, 2021)

In 2007, Ayatollah Qazvini delivered a speech, apparently to his students in a classroom, expressing strong dissatisfaction with the Sunni community's unrestricted activities. He referred to Mr. Dehvari as a "identified Wahhabi" and criticized the presence of certain Wahhabi-themed books in the Sunni online library, attributing responsibility to figures like Dehvari for the ideological indoctrination of "criminals" such as "Abdolmalek Rigi". He further states that he has provided the "documents" detailing the activities of these individuals to "Hujjat al-Islam Abbas Ali Soleimani," Ayatollah Khamenei's representative in Sunni affairs in Sistan and Baluchestan and urges for these activities to be pursued "through the court." He asserts, "It is unacceptable for these individuals to enter the country under the banner of the Islamic Republic system, which prides itself on Shi'ism and the culture of the Ahl al-Bayt (the family of the Islamic prophet Muhammad), while openly waging war against us and disseminating literature that undermines Shia beliefs, deeming it permissible to target Shia lives and property. In another recording, Qazvini addressed Mr. Dehvari, expressing strong dissatisfaction with certain activities in Baluchestan and the Sunni community's attitudes towards Ahl al-Bayt. He stated, "If I made such statements in Saudi Arabia, their intelligence services would undoubtedly apprehend and severely punish me. Yet, our judiciary remained indifferent and did not protest." (Audio file in the Boroumand Center archive) and (Interview with An'am Dehvari, October 20, 2023)

Sheikh Ali Dehvari and Ayatollah Qazvini had agreed to participate in a debate during Ramadan, which was scheduled to be broadcast live on Salam TV, a channel focused on Shiite issues. This debate occurred a few months before Mr. Dehvari's assassination but was never made public. However, fragments of the debate circulated, leading some Sunnis to congratulate Sheikh Ali Dehvari. According to An'am Dehvari, two influential individuals within the security services and the Islamic Development Organization separately warned Dehvari that they were searching for him, advising him to leave the country for his safety. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022)

Background of Extrajudicial Killings by the Islamic Republic of Iran 

The Islamic Republic of Iran has a long history of politically motivated violence in Iran and around the world. Since the 1979 Revolution, Islamic Republic operatives inside and outside the country have engaged in kidnapping, disappearing, and killing a large number of individuals whose activities they deemed undesirable. The actual number of the victims of extrajudicial killings inside Iran is not clear; however, these murders began in February 1979 and have continued since then, both inside and outside Iran. The Abdorrahman Boroumand Center has so far identified over 540 killings outside Iran attributed to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Dissidents have been assassinated by the agents of the Islamic Republic outside Iran in countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Japan, India, and Pakistan in Asia; Dubai, Iraq, and Turkey in the Middle East; Cyprus, France, Italy, Austria, Switzerland, Germany, Norway, Sweden, and Great Britain in Europe; and the United States across the Atlantic Ocean. In most cases, there has not been much published, and local authorities have not issued arrest warrants. But documentation, evidence, and traces obtained through investigations conducted by local police and judicial authorities confirm the theory of state committed crimes. In some instances, these investigations have resulted in the expulsion or arrest of Iranian diplomats. In a few cases outside Iran, the perpetrators of these murders have been arrested and put on trial. The evidence presented revealed the defendants’ connection to Iran’s government institutions, and an arrest warrant has been issued for Iran’s Minister of Information.

The manner in which these killings were organized and implemented in Iran and abroad is indicative of a single pattern which, according to Roland Chatelin, the Swiss prosecutor, contains common parameters and detailed planning. It can be ascertained from the similarities between these murders in different countries that the Iranian government is the principal entity that ordered the implementation of these crimes. Iranian authorities have not officially accepted responsibility for these murders and have even attributed their commission to internal strife in opposition groups. Nevertheless, since the very inception of the Islamic Republic regime, the Islamic Republic officials have justified these crimes from an ideological and legal standpoint. In the spring of 1979, Sadeq Khalkhali, the first Chief Shari’a Judge of the Islamic Revolutionary Courts, officially announced the regime’s decision to implement extrajudicial executions and justified the decision: “ … These people have been sentenced to death; from the Iranian people’s perspective, if someone wants to assassinate these individuals abroad, in any country, no government has any right to bring the perpetrator to trial as a terrorist, because such a person is the implementing agent of the sentence issued by the Islamic Revolutionary Court. Therefore, they are Mahduroddam and their sentence is death regardless of where they are.” More than 10 years after these proclamations, in a speech about the security forces’ success, Ali Fallahian, the regime’s Minister of Information, stated the following regarding the elimination of members of the opposition: “ … We have had success in inflicting damage to many of these little groups outside the country and on our borders.”

At the same time, various political, judicial, and security officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran have, at different times and occasions, confirmed the existence of a long term government policy for these extrajudicial killings and in some cases their implementation. 

Read more about the background of extrajudicial killings in the Islamic Republic of Iran by clicking on the left hand highlight with the same title. 

Sheikh Ali stood out from the typical Friday prayer Imams, who usually focus solely on religious topics during their sermons. In the contrary, he addressed not only religious matters but also social issues and the responsibilities of government officials.

Mr. Sheikh Ali Dehvari’s Extrajudicial Execution

On Monday, November 10, 2008, Mr. Sheikh Ali Dehvari was fatally shot multiple times by two armed motorcyclists with covered faces while he was visiting one of the mosques in Saravan. This mosque was one that he had participated in building. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022), Tabnak news agency (November 11, 2008) Baloch Activists Campaign (January 5, 2015), Iran Wire (January 26, 2017), and Persian BBC (April 6, 2009)

According to one of his children, the shots struck Mr. Dehvari's face, mouth, chest, and neck from a few meters away (Boroumand Center documents archive). At the time of the shooting, one of Sheikh Ali's children, who was 12 years old at the time, was with him, but thankfully, he survived the attack. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022) and Iran Wire (January 26, 2017)

The police and security officers promptly arrived at the scene of the murder, initiating filming, and recording of the details before transporting his body to the hospital by ambulance. Dehvari's family, informed by their neighbors, rushed to Saravan Hospital upon learning of the incident. The news of Dehvari's assassination prompted a crowd of Saravan residents to converge on the hospital. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022) On Mr. Dehvari's death certificate, the cause of death was listed as "shooting and its complications." He was 48 years old at the time of his assassination (Boroumand Center documents archive).

The video footage of Sheikh Ali Dehvari's funeral depicts a significant turnout of people from various cities in Baluchestan, scholars and molavis of Sunni Baluchestan, and several Sunni religious activists from other regions of Iran. The funeral took place in the city of Saravan. Emran Dehvari YouTube channel (April 30, 2009) and Bam Dashti blog (Mid-November 2008). According to residents, it was one of the "largest funerals in the history of Baluchestan." Security authorities did not impede the funeral procession, and traffic police were on hand to assist with traffic management. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022) 

Officials’ Reaction

The state media promptly covered the news of Sheikh Ali Dehvari's assassination.

In a statement expressing his condolences, Abbas Ali Soleimani, Ayatollah Khamenei's representative in Sunni affairs of Sistan and Baluchestan province, called for the punishment of those responsible for the assassination attempt on Dehvari. (Islamic Republic news agency, November 11, 2008)

Kayhan newspaper quoted Hujjat al-Islam Ghadir Mohammadian, the former Shia Imam of Friday Prayer of Saravan, acknowledging the "magnificent participation of Shia and Sunni in the funeral" of Mr. Dehvari. He described his murder as a "conspiracy" that was thwarted by "the vigilance of scholars, confidants, and the family of the deceased." (Kayhan newspaper, November 16, 2008)

"Jomhuri Eslami" newspaper labeled the attack on Mr. Dehvari as a "terrorist act" and asserted that it was carried out "to sow division between Shiites and Sunnis." (Radio Zamaneh, April 2, 2009). The Tabnak website, citing "informed sources," asserted that this action was perpetrated by individuals seeking to "sow discord between Shiites and Sunnis. (Tabnak news agency, November 11, 2008).

In a report labeling the murder of Mr. Dehvari as an act of "terror," the "Dana Information Network" attributed it to Abdolmalek Rigi, the executed leader of Jondollah (Radio Zamaneh, April 2, 2009).

According to An'am Dehvari, the security authorities suggested that the "Jondollah Group" might be involved in this assassination. Additionally, the security officials recommended that their names be registered in the Martyrs' Foundation as "Martyrs Family." (Interview with An'am Dehvari, November 17, 2022)

On December 5, 2016, approximately seven years after the assassination of Sheikh Ali Dehvari, two Sunni Imams of Friday Prayer, named "Abdol Samad Sadati" and "Abdolhamid Esma’ilzehi," protested the failure to identify the perpetrators of Sheikh Ali Dehvari's murder. Following their protests, the security services arrested three individuals on charges related to Dehvari's killing. The Ministry of Intelligence summoned Sheikh Ali's family and requested them to file a complaint against these detainees, but they refused. (Baloch Activists Campaign, January 5, 2015, December 21 and 25, 2016)

Once Dr. Emran Dehvari, who was investigating his father's murder, spoke with Judge "Tohidi" from the Sistan and Baluchestan judiciary, the judge conveyed that despite their efforts, no resolution was likely to be achieved by pursuing the case further and continuing with it wouldn't serve their interests. (Iran Wire, January 26, 2017).

Five years later, one of the three people who had been arrested previously was executed in Zahedan Central Prison in January 2022 on charges including participation in the murder of Mr. Sheikh Ali Dehvari. (Hrana, January 17, 2022).

The government's pressure on the Dehvari family didn't cease following Sheikh Ali's assassination. An'am Dehvari, his son, recounts, "When I planned to pursue studies at my father's alma mater, the Ministry of Intelligence's news headquarters summoned me and issued threats. They warned that if I went to Saudi Arabia for studies, they would subject me to the same fate as my father." An'am Dehvari reveals that after this meeting, which took place in 2010, he was coerced into signing a written commitment to abstain from studying in Saudi Arabia. Furthermore, due to An'am Dehvari's emigration and activities abroad, family members were subjected to regular interrogation by security agencies. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, on November 17, 2022, and January 22, 2024), (Iran Wire, January 26, 2017).

Emran Dehvari, who had been serving on the management council of the "Dar al-Hadith Bukhari" school for an extended period after his father's death, faced frequent summonses from security agencies. Following his father's murder, Emran assumed responsibility for administering the "Dar al-Hadith Imam Bukhari Saravan School." However, in 2016, he died under suspicious circumstances, allegedly due to poisoning. The family did not receive an autopsy certificate to determine the cause of death. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, on November 17, 2022)

Family’s Reaction

The Dehvari family refused to attribute their father's killing to Jondollah**** and declined the government's proposal to designate their father as a "martyr." They hold the belief that Jondollah primarily targets individuals associated with the Islamic Republic government. An'am Dehvari emphasized that "Jondollah claims responsibility for anyone they kill, showing no embarrassment. They even expressed a desire to apprehend Sheikh Ali Dehvari's killers, but my mother disagreed, fearing that innocent soldiers might be targeted." (Interview with An'am Dehvari, on November 17, 2022)

The family of Mr. Dehvari refused to lodge a lawsuit against the three individuals accused of murder. They believed that those identified by the security agency as Sheikh Ali's killers seven years after the incident were not involved in his assassination. According to Sheikh Ali Dehvari's son, one of the three individuals was only 12 years old at the time of the assassination, while the other two were relatives of Mr. Dehvari's wife. An'am Dehvari remarked, "The government aimed to instigate ethnic conflict among us through this means." (Interview with An'am Dehvari, on November 17, 2022, and January 22, 2024), (Iran Wire, January 26, 2017).

The Dehvari family believes that Emran, like his father, was a victim of extrajudicial execution. They attribute it to "the government's apprehension about the activities and growing social influence of these individuals among Sunnis." (Interview with An'am Dehvari, on November 17, 2022)

Other Reactions

A group of Sunni clerics from Baluchestan penned a letter to the United Nations, detailing numerous instances of "assassinations, executions, and imprisonment of clerics" in Iran. They urged the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Special Rapporteur on Religion, and the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights at the United Nations to establish an "investigative board concerning the treatment of assassinations, executions, and pressures on Sunnis." Molavi "Sheikh Ali Dehvari" was listed among the clerics killed in Iran in this compilation. (MelliunIran website, April 7, 2014)

Impacts on Family

The assassination of Mr. Dehvari in front of his 12-year-old son deeply traumatized the family. An'am Dehvari shared that his mother never removed her black dress after Mr. Dehvari's death and refrained from attending any wedding ceremonies. The shock was compounded by the suspicious death of Emran, another son of Sheikh Ali Dehvari. (Interview with An'am Dehvari, on November 17, 2022)

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* The title "molavi" is bestowed upon certain scholars of Sunni jurisprudence in Sistan and Baluchestan province. "Molavi" holds significant religious prestige, ranking just below "Mevlana" and representing one of the highest titles among Sunni clerics. This hierarchical structure has been influenced by the educational traditions of "Darul Uloom Deoband, India," many Sunni clerics from Sistan and Baluchestan have received their education in Deoband schools. In Deoband, India, Molavis are further categorized based on their scholarly capabilities as "Molavi Alam," "Molavi Fazel," and "Molavi Kamel."

**Official marriage and divorce offices are among the authorities providing legal services concerning marriage and divorce. The reopening of these offices requires approval from the relevant authorities and acceptance in the national notary exam. One of the prerequisites for obtaining this license is holding a certificate of ijtihad for Shiites and a certificate of ifta for Sunnis. The State Organization for Registration of Deeds and Properties oversees the administration of the Notary Public Examination.

*** "Islamic Unity Week" is a government-sponsored event aimed at fostering harmony among Islamic faiths. The week begins on the 12th of Rabiʽ al-Awwal, which marks the birthday of Mohammad Mostafa according to Sunni traditions and extends until the 17th of Rabiʽ al-Awwal, the date of his birth according to Shia traditions. The concept of establishing Unity Week was initially proposed by Hossein Ali Montazeri, a prominent Shiite cleric. Upon approval and endorsement by Ruhollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, it was officially named as such.

**** Jondollah, and  The Popular Resistance Movement of Iran, known as Jondollah, was established in 2003. This group declared its goal as the struggle for achieving the religious and national rights of Baluch and Sunni people in Sistan Va Baluchestan province in Iran and emphasized that it is not a separatist group. In 2005, this group began a series of military operations against Islamic Republic forces during which dozens of the regime’s forces were captured or killed. In response, the Islamic Republic arrested and executed dozens of members of this group; military operations continue in Sistan Va Baluchestan. In an interview with the media outside of Iran, the leader of this group, Abdolmalek Rigi, rejected the government’s labels of “terrorist” and “foreign agent” and claimed that they began their struggle against the Islamic Republic to replace it with “a popular regime that recognizes the rights of all humans.” The news of this arrest was published by the Intelligence Ministry of Iran on February 23, 2010, and the circumstance of his arrest is yet unknown. Abdolmalek Rigi was hanged in the Evin prison on June 20, 2010. In early 2011 a number of Jondollah’s members under the leadership of Sallahudin Farroughi established the Jaish ul-Adl organization, implementing organizational and structural changes and reconsidering some of their former methods. Jaish ul-Adl describes itself as a Sunni group emphasizing “federalism for Iran and self-rule for Baluchistan” as well as “armed struggle against the Islamic Republic.”