Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Zafar (Mohammad) Saburi Gargari

About

Age: 28
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Non-Believer
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: 1988
Location of Killing: Evin Prison, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Unspecified execution method
Charges: Unspecified counter-revolutionary offense
Age at time of alleged offense: 24

About this Case

According to a friend, Mr. Saburi Gargari "was a precious and rare pearl in the workers’ movement of Iran".

Information about the life and execution of Mr. Zafar (Mohammad) Saburi Gargari, son of Madineh and Abolqasem, has been compiled from interviews with two of his close relatives (March 2, 2022 and May 27, 2022), from two electronic documents sent to by a close relative to Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (September 7, 2014), and from a document sent by one of his cellmates (July 22, 2022). Additional information has been collected from the Facebook page of his friend, Mr. Mehrdad Darvishpur “Payam haye Hambandi” (Cellmates’ Messages) (February 25, 2022), and from Mr. Saburi Gargari’s friends (August 24, 2021).

Mr. Saburi Gargari was a victim of the mass executions of political prisoners in 1988.The majority of the executed prisoners were members of the Mojahedin Khalq Organization.  Other victims included members or sympathizers of Marxist-Leninist organizations, such as the Fadaiyan Khalq (Minority) and the Peykar Organization, which opposed the Islamic Republic, as well as the Tudeh Party and the Fadaiyan Khalq (Majority), which did not.

Abdorrahman Boroumand Center has collected additional information about these mass executions from “The Memoirs of Ayatollah Montazeri”, Reports of Human Rights Organizations, interviews with families, and eyewitness accounts.

According to available information, Mr. Saburi Gargari was 29, born in Tehran (Naziabad neighborhood). He was single, and he had three sisters and one brother. He was raised in a family with leftist views. One of his cellmates had heard in a private conversation, that he had a wife and that he was worried about her. He said, “When I asked Mohammad why he couldn’t ask his family members about his wife, during visiting time, he said she was a foreigner. He meant she was not an Iranian citizen.” (February 25, 2022). In an interview with one of Mr. Saburi Gargari’s relatives, he said that by “foreigner”, Mohammad might have meant that his wife was a fighter abroad, who had come to Iran after the revolution.

When he was eighteen, he worked at the Family Welfare Center in Tehran’s Naziabad neighborhood. He was a member of the Newsletter Publication Group at this center. He participated in demonstrations against the Shah. Even then, he did not like to participate in public political activity and his activities were covert. His political activity at that time included distributing nightly pamphlets and analytical booklets about the worker strikes in Abadan Refinery, and getting these to friends and other political activists. According to his friend and coworker at the time, “I found Mohammad to be very sincere, kind, organized, selfless, genteel, calm, lively, good tempered, well spoken, and intellectual.” (Mehrdad  Darvishpur). Another friend described him as “A precious and rare pearl in the workers’ movement of Iran.”

Mr. Saburi Gargari had become familiar with members of the Freedom Fighters of the Working Class*. After he got his high school diploma, he started his professional political-revolutionary career, and he organized the Tehran branch of the Mottahedin Khalq. He became a member of the central committee of this organization and he became responsible for the Tehran branch. This group was active in the strikes at Ahvaz Steel and at the Abadan Oil Refinery, before the revolution of 1979.

Mr. Saburi Gargari was strongly opposed to current attitudes of that time, such as guerilla methods and Tudeh Party. He believed in activity within the working class. He was so committed to keeping his political life a secret that part of his family knew nothing about his political activities. Before he was arrested, Mr. Saburi Gargari was one of the youngest leaders in the “Revolutionary Struggle for the Freedom of the Working Class” Organization. The publication of this organization was “Combat” (One of his friends). Up to his arrest, he led a public and a secret life.

Arrest and detention

According to available information, Mr. Saburi Gargari was identified by someone (a repentant informer) with the Revolutionary Guards patrol and arrested at 3 pm on June 10, 1983. At the time, he was strolling on Vali Asr Street in Tehran, with a relative who had recently become a supporter of his organization. The person who identified him knew he was a political activist but did not know which group he was affiliated with (Electronic document from cellmate). They took him and his companion (who was released after a few weeks) to Evin Prison, Section 209. In prison, for a while, he was claiming to be a taxi driver. According to his cellmate, “In any case, Mohammad went to Evin 209 and he was tortured a lot. He did not divulge any information and he said he was a taxi driver.” Eventually, he was identified as a member of his organization by one of the prisoners (a repentant informer), and he was interrogated again. “After this, Mohammad abandoned his initial false identity and became one of the leftist political activists at Evin Prison; a passionate communist, active and on point. He openly conducted ideological discourse, and thus he gladly accepted execution as his fate” (a cellmate). He spent some time in section 325 of the Lower Section 1, and also section 325 of the Upper Section 3 (solitary confinement) of Evin Prison. In prison, he was well liked and respected by many prisoners. He participated in all demonstrations in prison. “Mohammad was very well informed when it came to theory. He taught and explained the Communist Party to his group. He also carried out debates and discourses with other groups, such as Paykar and Sahand. He critiqued their positions and even attracted some people to his own program” (a cellmate).

When he was arrested, after a few days of worrying over their son’s disappearance, his family went to Evin Prison. Officials told them there was no such person there. “We thought when they say he is not there, he is probably not there. We looked for him in all the hospitals and police stations. We even looked in open drainage channels and under bridges. We called all of our relatives in different cities and asked whether they had heard from him. Three months later, we went back to Evin Prison, and the officials said he was there. Then they gave permission for us to visit him. Mohammad had grown a beard, he wore glasses, and he had lost a lot of weight. “(Interview with a relative).

In their efforts to rescue their son, Mr. Saburi Gargari’s family sought the help of some officials that they knew. They even went to see an ayatollah in Qom.  They were not able to do anything for him, and they were subjected to insults from officials and revolutionary guards.

After Mr. Saburi Gargari was identified by one of the prisoners, his visiting rights were suspended for a while.

Mr. Saburi Gargari was tortured in prison. They wanted him to reveal the location of his comrades. “When we visited him, he had lost a lot of weight and he was weak. He was too weak to stand up. He told us his kidneys hurt. They had beaten him in solitary and his kidneys had been injured. There was something wrong with his pelvis. One time, after he had not had any visitors for a long time and he had been in solitary, we went to visit him. He was leaning on the telephone counter. I asked him what was wrong. He said it’s nothing. I insisted. He said they pulled my toenail out, and I cannot stand up.” (Interview with a relative)

One of his cellmates has described his torture: “A friend told me about how they tortured Mohammad Saburi. In 209 they had him hanging by the arms from the ceiling. They kept him awake for a long time in this condition, with his hands tied to the ceiling. They had beaten his soles with a cable. I had seen his soles with the signs of being beaten with a cable. He told me that one wishes to die while being tortured, and that dying under torture is very good luck.”

Mr. Saburi Gargari was incarcerated in Evin Prison for five years and three months.

Trial

According to one of his cellmates, Mr. Saburi Gargari had gone to court one time after his interrogation, and he was awaiting a verdict. However, no information is available on other court sessions that he might have had.

According to the testimonies of leftist political prisoners who were tried in Gohardasht Prison during the executions of the summer of 1988, the trials took place in a room on the ground floor of the prison after a few weeks of isolation during which prisoners were deprived of visitation, television and radio broadcasts, and outdoors time. Towards the end of August, a three-member delegation composed of Hojatoleslam Eshraqi, the prosecutor, Hojatoleslam Nayyeri, the religious judge, and hojatoleslam Pourmohamadi, the representative of the Ministry of Information asked prisoners questions about whether they were Muslim or Marxist, whether they prayed, and if their parents were practicing Muslims. Based on the prisoners’ responses, the latter were sentenced to be hanged or the flogged until they agreed to pray. The authorities never informed prisoners about the delegation’s purpose and the serious implications of their responses. According to survivors, during the summer of 1988 a large number of prisoners sympathizing with the Mojahedin or Leftist groups were executed for not recanting their beliefs.  

The relatives of political prisoners executed in 1988 refute the legality of the judicial process that resulted in thousands of executions throughout Iran.  In their 1988 open letter to the Minister of Justice at the time, Dr. Habibi, they argue that the official secrecy surrounding these executions is proof of their illegality.  They note that an overwhelming majority of these prisoners had been tried and sentenced to prison terms, which they were either serving or had already completed when they were retried and sentenced to death.

Charges

No charge has been publicly stated against the victims of the 1988 mass executions.  Based on the testimonies of the prisoners who were in prisons in the summer of 1988, the questions of the three-member committee from the leftist prisoners were about their beliefs and they were accused of being “anti-religion”, insisting on their beliefs and not repenting. In their letters to the Minister of Justice in 1988, and to the UN Special Rapporteur visiting Iran in February 2003, the families of the victims refer to the authorities’ accusations against the prisoners – accusations that may have led to their execution.  These accusations include being “counter-revolutionary, anti-religion, and anti-Islam,” as well as being “associated with military action or with various [opposition] groups based near the borders.”

An edict of the Leader of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Khomeini, reproduced in the memoirs of Ayatollah Montazeri, his designated successor, corroborates the reported claims regarding the charges against the executed prisoners.  In this edict, Ayatollah Khomeini refers to members of the Mojahedin Khalq Organization as “hypocrites” who do not believe in Islam and “wage war against God” and decrees that prisoners who still approve of the positions taken by this organization are also “waging war against God” and should be sentenced to death. 

Defendants, who did not belong to the Mojahedin Khalq Organization, may have been accused of being “anti-religion” for not having renounced his or her beliefs. 

Evidence of guilt

The evidence provided against Saburi Gargari in the first trial was “Testimony of a prisoner”. There is no information on evidence against him in the next trial.

Defense

After he was identified in prison, Mr. Saburi Gargari openly defended his communist and revolutionary principles. No information is available on his defense in court.

Judgment

Mr. Saburi Gargari was executed during the mass killings of prisoners in 1988. There is no information on the details of this execution verdict.

Based on Boroumand Center’s research, leftist prisoners executed in 1988 were found to be “apostates.”  Months after the executions, prison authorities informed the families about the executions and handed over the victims’ belongings to their families. The bodies, however, were not returned to them.  The bodies were buried in mass graves. Authorities warned the families of prisoners not to hold memorial ceremonies for their loved ones.

Regarding the news of Mr. Saburi Gargari’s execution, one of his relatives says: “In October 1988, they called the house. We had heard in the news that they had executed him in September. The person on the phone told his father to go to Firuzeh Palace (headquarters of the Revolutionary Guard in this area). The father went there with two of his sons in law. He had also taken the deed to his house. We thought they were going to release him after five years. Mohammad liked Fesenjan stew. His mother made fesenjan in the morning. She called her daughters. They bought pastries and waited for the release of their loved one. Officials called up the father and gave him a bag that did not belong to Mohammad. The bag contained a book, a Mafatih book, and an article of clothing that was not his. The family knew his clothes. Then the official told the father that his son had died. His father said, “I was about to collapse, but I knew I could not fall in front of them.” The father turned to them and said, “I am proud of my son and of others like him.” When the father left that room, he collapsed.” (Interview with a relative)

Although the family of Mr. Saburi Gargari were not allowed to hold services and to gather together, they had several memorial gatherings for their son. “The house was open for seven days and nights. Groups of people came and went. We calculated the day of his passing from the day we heard the news, and we held services on the third day, the seventh day, and even the fortieth day.”

Mr. Saburi’s body was never released to his family. Officials did not tell his family where he was buried. It is said that he too is buried in Khavaran Cemetery.

His mother still does not believe he is dead. “His mother still swears on Mohammad’s life. She cannot believe that he is not alive. If someone rings the doorbell unexpectedly, she says Mohammad is here. She is always waiting for him to show up at the door.” (Interview with a relative)

There are some letters left behind by Mr. Saburi Gargari, that testify to his love of life. “I wish I could warm you in times of difficulty and hardship, by transferring all my body heat to you. I said walls are sometimes huge barriers but there is no wall that can keep life streams from uniting with each other. This river will transcend stones and walls.” (Tehran, Evin Prison, section 325, Lower Section 1 – January 4, 1988). According to one of his cellmates, “We lost a brave, organized, and active comrade.”

------------------------------

*Freedom Fighters of the Working Class: This organization formed a coalition with ten other groups in 1980 and formed the Revolutionary Unity Organization for the Freedom of the Working Class. After a while this organization developed some difficulties and in 1981 another organization was formed: Revolutionary Struggle for the Freedom of the Working Class. This organization followed Mao’s ideas.

Correct/ Complete This Entry