Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Mojgan Rezvanian

About

Age: 16
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Non-Believer
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: May 9, 1981
Location of Killing: Hezar Takhtekhabi Hospital, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary shooting

About this Case

Information regarding the life and extrajudicial execution of Ms. Mojgan (Nilufar) Rezvanian, daughter of Shahnaz and Hushang, was submitted to the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center through two electronic forms, email, and an audio file, by a person close to her (June 18, and August 10, 2020). News of this murder was also published in Kayhan newspaper (April 21, and 22, 1981). Additional information regarding this case was obtained from the Peykar Publication, Peykar Organization for the Liberation of the Working Class’ print publication (April 27, and May 18, 1981); Jomhuri Eslami newspaper (April 21, 1981); Nameh Mardom, Tudeh Party of Iran’s central print publication (May 2, 1981); the Book “Goriz-e Nagozir” (2008-09); Khavaran and Radio Farda websites (April 20, 2021); and Gooya website (June 3, 2021).

Ms. Rezvanian was 16 years old, born in Tehran, single, and a nurse’s assistant in training at the Borzuyeh School. She was the granddaughter of a famous poet and lyricist, Mahmud Sana’i.

Ms. Rezvanian was a supporter of the Peykar Organization for the Liberation of the Working Class and worked at the Organization’s the D. D. Section (D and D standing for “Danshju” and “Daneshamuz”, meaning college student and high school student, respectively).

Ms. Rezvanian was interested in music, poetry, and dance. 

The Peykar Organization

The Peykar Organization for the Liberation of the Working Class was founded by a number of dissident members of the Mojahedin Khalq Organization who had converted to Marxism-Leninism. Peykar was also joined by a number of political organizations, known as Khat-e Se (Third line). The founding tenets of Peykar included the rejection of guerrilla struggle and a strong stand against the pro-Soviet policies of the Iranian Tudeh Party. Peykar viewed the Soviet Union as a “Social imperialist” state, believed that China had deviated from the Marxist-Leninist principles, and radically opposed all factions of the Islamic regime of Iran. The brutal repression of dissidents by the Iranian government and splits within Peykar in 1981 and 1982 effectively dismantled the Organization and scattered its supporters. By the mid-1980s, Peykar was no longer in existence.  

Cultural Revolution

The Cultural Revolution began upon Ayatollah Khomeini’s order in March 1980, to purge universities of all forces opposed [to the regime] and to transform them into “learning environments” [as opposed to political forums] where “an all-Islamic curriculum” would be taught. The first wave of violence began on April 15, 1980, during a speech by Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani [a member of the Council of the Islamic Revolution and Minister of the Interior] at the University of Tabriz. Following the speech, students supporting the regime took control of the University’s central building and demanded that the “university be purged” from “pro-Shah elements and other sellouts.”

On April 18, the Council of the Islamic Revolution issued a communiqué accusing political groups of converting higher education institutions into “headquarters of discordant political activities” and naming them as obstacles to the radical transformation of the universities. The communiqué gave these groups three days (Saturday, April 19 to Monday, April 21) to shut down their offices and activities in the universities. The Council stressed that the closure included libraries as well as offices related to arts and sports activities. Political opposition groups refused to shut down their offices and during those three days, clashes continued between leftist groups and Islamist Associations, which took control of the universities with the support of governmental forces and paramilitary groups.

These clashes peaked at the end of the three-day deadline issued by the Council of the Revolution, resulting in the death of several people and the wounding of hundreds of others on university campuses across the country. On April 21, the Islamic Republic authorities announced the victory of the Cultural Revolution and the closure of all universities for two years. As a result of the Cultural Revolution, a large number of university professors were purged and a great many students were deprived of continuing their education because of their political beliefs.

The Explosion

After the closure of universities in May 1980, protests by political groups and organizations continued against the shutdown. On April 20, 1981, the anniversary of the closure of universities, a call for protest demonstrations was issued by the Peykar Organization for the Liberation of the Working Class’ Student Section (D. D. Section) in front of Tehran University [demanding] the reopening of universities.

Mehrdad Darvishpur, one of the organizers of the demonstrations stated in this regard: “The objective of the demonstrations was to protest the Cultural Revolution. [Peykar’s] Student Organization was not so naïve as to think that universities would reopen just because a thousand people protested in front of Tehran University; the goal was simply to object to the closure of universities.” (Gooya website, Mehrdad Darvishpur, one of the organizers of the demonstrations).

More than 700 people participated in these peaceful demonstrations. “Initially, the crowd chanted slogans against the shutdown of universities.” The demonstrations were thwarted at the very beginning when two hand grenades were thrown in the first rows of the protesters by Hezbollahis who had taken up positions in the street. (Gooya website, Mehrdad Darvishpur, one of the organizers of the demonstrations).

As a result of the explosion of the hand grenades, two individuals named Ms. Azar Mehralian and Mr. Iraj Torabi were killed that same day and more than 50 people were wounded. Two people lost an eye when they were hit with shrapnel, and to this day, many are dealing with the consequences of the explosion and the effects of carrying shrapnel lodged in their bodies. (Electronic form; Pekar Publication; the book Goriz-e Nagozir).

The wounded were taken to the Pahlavi (now Khomeini) One Thousand Beds Hospital, and to Shariati and Sina Hospitals. The Revolutionary Guards proceeded to arrest the wounded at the hospitals.* Even the relatives of the wounded were subjected to the agents’ physical attacks. (The book Goriz-e Nagozir; Jomhuri Eslami newspaper).

Testimony of Individuals Present at the Demonstrations

Mercedeh Qa’edi who participated in the demonstrations stated: “As far as I can remember, there was a large crowd [gathered there]. We thought the Hezbollahis would attack us as usual, and that we would go ahead with our demonstrations as usual. I heard a noise a short time after the start of the protests. A clamor took over the crowd. Some fell to the ground. I first thought that a bomb had exploded. I even think I saw smoke from the explosion.” (The book Goriz-e Nagozir).

Shahla was one among the people injured in the demonstrations, who still has 20 pieces of shrapnel lodged in her body. She stated: “The demonstrators started moving toward Enqelab Square. We started chanting slogans. A very short time had passed, maybe five minutes, when I heard a noise, and I could not decipher whether it was an explosion or something else. It was as if a heavy object had hit the asphalt. The crowd dispersed in the blink of an eye. Suddenly I felt like I was on fire from the waist down. (The book Goriz-e Nagozir).

Shala’s sister, Sulmaz, also stated: “We had not gone far when I suddenly thought I noticed that someone outside the ranks of the demonstrators was throwing a rock at us. I think it was at that moment that I fell to the ground and lost consciousness.” (The book Goriz-e Nagozir).

Shahrbani (“Police Department”) Public relations wrote this (without ascribing it to the demonstrators) regarding this explosion: “At 4 PM yesterday, clashes broke out between 300 to 500 members of political groups in front of Tehran University, resulting in the intervention of the Police and the brothers of the Revolutionary Guards. There was an explosion during the clashes, as a result of which several people were injured.” (Kayhan newspaper, April 22, 1981).

Islamic Republic of Iran Shahrbani (“Police Department”) Public Relations further announced that it had arrested two individuals in connection with that explosion: “Yesterday, Tehran’s 2ndPrecinct patrolmen became suspicious of two individuals on a motorcycle on Pasdaran Avenue in front of Kuhestan 6 Street, by the names of Yaqub Khanmohammadi and Ebrahim Tavana, both of whom are vocational school students, and proceeded to stop them. Searching their hand bag, they recovered a combustible fuse approximately 60 centimeters (2 feet) long, one hand grenade, some gasoline and combustible material, some permanganate, and some acid material. According to this report, a case was opened and the arrestees were turned over to the Police Criminal Investigations Department. Investigations are ongoing.” (Kayhan newspaper, Paril 22, 1981).

Throwing hand grenades in the middle of opposition groups gathered at meetings and holding protest demonstrations had precedents and the method was later used to repress the opposition and to disrupt the gatherings. For instance, a group attacked a gathering of the members and supporters of the Fadaiyan (Majority) Organization on May 1, 1981, throwing three hand grenades and tear gas in their midst, thereby wounding the participants. (Nameh Mardom).

Ms. Rezvanian’s Murder

On April 20, 1981, Ms. Rezvanian and other Peykar Organization supporters participated in demonstrations protesting the Cultural Revolution and the closure of universities. Ms. Rezvanian received severe injuries to the stomach caused by shrapnel from the explosion of two hand grenades. She was operated on twice. In spite of the doctors’ efforts to save her life, she died at One Thousand Beds Hospital 20 days later, on May 9, 1981, at the age of 16.

According to Ms. Mahnaz Matin, “Mojgan Rezvanian was hospitalized in our ward. She had received a large amount of shrapnel in the stomach. They operated on her. The operation site subsequently got infected and she turned much worse. The doctors tried to save her; they operated on her one more time. But unfortunately, it did not have any effects and she died a few days later.

Ms. Rezvanian was buried at Tehran’s Behesht Zahra Cemetery.

Officials' Reaction

In an interview regarding clashes in certain cities, Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani, then-Minister of the Interior, stated: “The lack of security in the country has two causes: One is related to political groups, which is actually lack of political security, where [these groups] are creating an environment so that they can say the government is incapable of running the country, and try to bring it down, and the other one is lack of security due to theft and robbery. The way we deal with these two is different; we have plans regarding both and, having coordinated with law enforcement forces, we are seriously trying to maximize the use of all the means at our disposal to establish security, and we’re also asking for the people’s help.” (Enqelab Eslami newspaper, April 22, 1981).

The reaction of the Islamic Republic authorities in official media regarding the explosion of hand grenades was to say that the protesters themselves had thrown the grenades in the middle of the demonstrations so that they could kill some people and pretend that they were victims [of the regime]. Jomhuri Eslami newspaper stated that the demonstrations had taken place with “guidance from Radio Baghdad and [former Prime Minister] Bakhtiar” and continued: “Yesterday, the grouplets exploded a bomb among themselves in order to pretend that they had been victims.” Kayhan newspaper wrote: “On the anniversary of the start of the Cultural Revolution, around 200 girls and boys affiliated with the Peykar Organization chanted slogans in opposition [to the Islamic regime] and demonstrated in front of Tehran University. A group of Moslem youth confronted them. A young girl intended to explode a Serahi (three junction bomb/grenade) when it exploded before she could throw it, injuring a number of demonstrators.”

The authorities did not accept responsibility for Ms. Rezvanian’s death, and put pressure on her family to drop the case and give power of attorney to the relevant authorities as the next of kin: “The point about her death is that the regime expropriated her death and claims that not only was she not a member of Peykar, but that she was just a passerby and had been killed by a grenade exploded by the Peykar Organization itself.” (Electronic form submitted by a person close to Ms. Rezvanian).

The obituary published by the authorities for Ms. Rezvanian on behalf of her family, considers Peykar Organization as the perpetrator of her murder. This announcement, which starts with the slogan “The Martyrs Are Alive; Allaho Akbar (“God is Great”)”, states: “We announce and inform our friends and acquaintances of the passing of our young and unfulfilled child, Miss Mojgan Rezvanian, who had been gravely wounded by the American and Saddam-affiliated criminal group Peykar; she passed away due to the severity of her injuries after putting up a fight and resisting death for 20 days. We make a request of the relevant authorities to whom we give power of attorney to act as the next of kin (!) and ask that, praying to the Vali-e Asr (the twelfth Shi’a Imam, said to have disappeared only to return at the appropriate time to save humanity), to exact Qesas (retaliatory killing) against these criminals, and avenge her unjustly shed blood.” (Kayhan newspaper, May 12, 1981).

Reaction of the Peykar Organization for the Liberation of the Working Class

The Peykar Organization stated that the individual who had thrown the hand grenade into the crowd of demonstrators was an operative of the Islamic Republic: “The crowd arrived in front of the University after a few minutes. The cronies and mercenaries of the Islamic Republic, and several Revolutionary Guards who were in plainclothes, then proceeded to attack the ranks of the demonstrators, and were faced with their resistance. At this time, the Islamic Republic regime, at the hands of one of its mercenaries, threw a powerful hand grenade into the crowd, thereby causing a dreadful tragedy. At least two persons were martyred as a result of this explosion and more than 50 were injured and wounded.” (Peykar Publication, Volume 103).

The Peykar Organization announced that Ms. Rezvanian was a supporter of the Organization: “Comrade Mojgan was active in Peykar’s Student Organization.” [The Publication] continued: “He (Ms. Rezavanian’s uncle) had exposed Comrade Mojgan’s [true identity] and as a result, Comrade Mojgan, who had hidden her identity at the hospital and had introduced herself as Mojgan Lajevardi, was exposed and they had put several Revolutionary Guards to watch her.” Regarding the throwing of hand grenades, the Publication stated: “Comrade Mojgan was 16 years old and was a close friend of Martyr Azar Mehralian. At the same moment when Comrade Azar was holding up a sign at the demonstrations, Comrade Mojgan and several other comrades were situated very close to her.” (Peykar Publication, Volume 106).

Family’s Reaction

According to available information, Ms. Rezvanian’s family did not know about her work with Peykar Organization and only found out [her affiliation with Organization] when she had been hospitalized. According to a person close to her, “when one of her family members arrived at the hospital, she was faced with a large number of wounded individuals, and she saw Mojgan on a cot. According to her, Mojgan’s face was intact, but she was full of holes from the neck down”. (Radio Farda).

Her family accepted the statement of a person (whom the authorities had introduced to them as a Peykar Organization supporter in the course of interrogations) to the effect that the Peykar people themselves were the ones who had thrown the grenade. To this day, some family members have accepted and believe that Peykar Organization supporters killed their daughter. (A person close to Ms. Rezvanian; Radio Farda).

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*The role the Revolutionary Guards at the hospital and in arresting the injured
Hospitals were in control of the Revolutionary Guards, and the Guards of Tehran’s 2nd District Comite, arrested 9 girls and 15 boys at the One Thousand Beds Hospital. (Kayhan newspaper, April 21, 1981). Mehri was in very bad shape and she does not remember much about her arrival at the hospital: “ … The next day, one of the guys found me. He was a medical student. He said: ‘You have to escape from the hospital any way you can! The hospital is surrounded. They’re saying they want to arrest all the wounded. Can you walk?’ … My leg was completely black because of the shrapnel and the bruises. Some of the shrapnel would come under the skin and I could easily take them out. I had collected 40 pieces of shrapnel that they had taken out of my body. I think I have the same number still lodged in my body.” (The book “Goriz-e Nagozir”).
Saba: “A few hours later, one of the guys from the [Peykar] Medical Committee came and gave me the news of the explosion of hand grenades and injury to the guys. I quickly went to the One Thousand Beds Hospital. I went to the Hospital’s Polyclinic and the Emergency Room since the guys were mostly there. The Revolutionary Guards were everywhere … The One Thousand Beds Hospital had a great many operating rooms. I remember that most of the operating rooms were busy and functioning non-stop that night until morning. The Emergency Room was extremely crowded. The guys were making a lot of noise even though they were wounded; they would scream, chant slogans, etc. … Their x-rays were very interesting to see as well. You could clearly see the pieces of shrapnel. But the problem was that the doctors did not have a lot of experience in these types of grenades and could not clearly understand what it was they were seeing in the x-rays. I think it was only when they started operating and got the pieces of shrapnel out that they realized what the problem was … From that day on, the Revolutionary Guards would stand guard in front of the wards where the wounded were hospitalized, and would control the comings and goings. And from then on, they would arrest all of the wounded who were discharged.”
Mahnaz Matin who was an intern at the time and by chance, on the night of April 20, 1981, was a doctor on call at the One Thousand Beds Hospital, recounts what she witnessed: “ … The Emergency Room had been occupied and surrounded by the Revolutionary Guards. There was nothing we could do with the gravely wounded except to hospitalize them. And there were quite a few of them. One of the people in charge of the Hospital arrived. The Revolutionary Guards told him [to do a head count of] the doctors that were present and figure out who was on call and who was not … Around midnight, the hospital was not as crowded. People and visitors had left and the injured had been taken to various wards. The Revolutionary Guards put a number of the guys who had brought the injured into the hospital on the buses they had brought along. I don’t know where they took them. Among the last people the Revolutionary Guards took away were several young girls, maybe high school students, who were making a lot of noise.” (The book “Goriz-e Nagozir”).
 Mahmud, a medical student, said this regarding the Revolutionary Guards’ control and arrest of the wounded: “I did not participate in the demonstrations. It was early evening when the guys told me what had happened; I was the person in charge of the Organization’s Medical Committee… I went to the One Thousand Beds Hospital ... There was a large crowd gathered in front of the entrance to the Hospital. And you could see several Revolutionary Guards among them … I realized the breadth of the tragedy once I was inside the Hospital. And I only saw a small fraction of those who had been wounded. The guys were saying that many of them had been confined to their homes or the homes of their relatives for fear of being arrested … We were able to get several of the patients whose condition had taken a turn for the worse admitted at private hospitals through the doctors we knew. It was not possible to admit them into public hospitals because of the Revolutionary Guards’ severe control.” (The book “Goriz-e Nagozir”).

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