Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Shahriar Shafiq

About

Age: 34
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Islam (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Married

Case

Date of Killing: December 7, 1979
Location of Killing: Paris, France
Mode of Killing: Extrajudicial shooting

About this Case

Captain Shafiq was the nephew of Iran’s Monarch, but he chose to remain close to his men and live in the same conditions they lived in rather than live a privileged life at the Court. His men “ feared and loved him.”

Information about the life and extrajudicial execution of Captain Shahriar Mustapha Shafiq (Chafiq), a high ranking officer of the Imperial Iranian Navy, was drawn from the interviews of Abdorrahman Boroumand Center for Human Rights in Iran with an informed source (February 29, 2024) and with a person close to the family (March 3, 2024), Agence France Press, December 14, 1979, France Inter (French radio) December 9, 1979, and France’s Journal Officiel dated March 25 and September 30, 2010. Additional information was drawn from the Ettela’at daily, December 27, 1979 and January 22, 1980; and the Memoirs of Ayatollah Khalkhali, the first religious judge appointed by Ayatollah Khomeini to preside over the Islamic Revolutionary Tribunal. Further information was taken from the Kayhan newspaper dated 8 December 1979; The Washington Post, December 8 and 9, 1979; a Facebook page assigned to Mr. Shafiq; the official website of Princess Ashraf Pahlavi; and the Qoqnus website. 

Mr. Shafiq, son of Ahmad Shafiq and Princess Ashraf Pahlavi,  married and father of two, was born in Cairo, Egypt, on March 15, 1945. He was the second child of Princess Ashraf Pahlavi, twin sister of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi. His father, Ahmad Shafiq, was a son of the former Minister of Egypt’s royal court and a director of commercial aviation companies in Egypt. Shahriar Shafiq studied at Razi High School in Tehran and continued his studies in the Britannia Royal Naval School (BRNS) in Dartmouth, United Kingdom. While studying at the Naval College, he was presented the Sword of Honor. Shafiq was also an athlete. In March 1978, he was appointed as the head of Iran’s  Judo and Karate Federation. 

Captain Shafiq started his career at the age of 21 in the Imperial Iranian Navy as a Lieutenant Commander of the Bayandor Destroyer in Khoramshahr. He completed two naval tours of duty in the United States. In 1971, he commanded the Hovercraft strike force that recovered the islands of Abu Musa and the Greater and Lesser Tunbs for Iran. He was appointed as the Commander of the Imperial Iranian Navy’s destroyer fleet in 1975 and he commanded the Navy’s hovercraft fleet. 

Sources close to the family told ABC that Captain Shafiq was a man of action. During the time of the war in Oman (1972-77), for example, when one of Iran's (F-4) Phantoms crashed behind enemy lines, he led a commando team behind the lines to recover the sensitive technology onboard the plane so it would not fall into enemy hands. Informed sources pointed out to ABC that Captain Shafiq was a humble, disciplined, ethical, and skilled officer who showed little interest in titles or the Court’s life, an officer who did not separate himself from his men and lived in the same conditions as they did. (Interviews with an informed source,  February 29, 2024 and a person close to the family, March 3, 2024)

Iran’s then Commander in Chief, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, remembered Captain Shafiq as a naval officer who “ was loved, respected and admired by the men who served under him. His policy was to eat, sleep and work side by side with his men, be it in the heat of the Persian Gulf or at sea. He shunned any privileges of his position. His devotion to the needy Iranian people of the region where he was stationed was well known.” (Eulogy released by the Shah of Iran, Reuters, December 7, 1979)

Shahriar Shafiq fled from Bandar-e Abbas, Iran, to Kuwait about one month after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, narrowly escaping being arrested by representatives of the new regime by taking a patrol boat across the Persian Gulf, while being chased by regime forces. He settled his family in California, but came to Paris on November 14, 1979, presumably, to be closer to Iran, and to engage in political work. He stayed at a house on the Villa Dupont owned by his mother where his sister, Azadeh, resided and from where she oversaw the publication of a newspaper called Iran Libre (Iran-e Azad). (Le Monde, December 10, 1979) Being a man of action, he had not given up on liberating Iran and he was not going to settle down in Europe. He thought that the army should act. He was in touch with his team in the navy and had traveled multiple times to Turkey. (Interview with a source close to the family, March 3, 2024) 

According to his mother, Mr. Shafiq was “a person of character, integrity and principle. He was generous, selfless and unswervingly patriotic. He was a soldier, willing to sacrifice greatly for his country and people.” (Princess Ashraf Pahlavi’s website)

Background of Extrajudicial Killings by the Islamic Republic of Iran

The Islamic Republic of Iran has a long history of politically motivated violence in Iran and around the world. Since the 1979 Revolution, Islamic Republic operatives inside and outside the country have engaged in kidnapping, disappearing, and killing a large number of individuals whose activities they deemed undesirable. The actual number of the victims of extrajudicial killings inside Iran is not clear; however, these murders began in February 1979 and have continued since then, both inside and outside Iran. The Abdorrahman Boroumand Center has so far identified over 540 killings outside Iran attributed to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Dissidents have been assassinated by the agents of the Islamic Republic outside Iran in countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Japan, India, and Pakistan in Asia; Dubai, Iraq, and Turkey in the Middle East; Cyprus, France, Italy, Austria, Switzerland, Germany, Norway, Sweden, and Great Britain in Europe; and the United States across the Atlantic Ocean. In most cases, there has not been much published, and local authorities have not issued arrest warrants. But documentation, evidence, and traces obtained through investigations conducted by local police and judicial authorities confirm the theory of state committed crimes. In some instances, these investigations have resulted in the expulsion or arrest of Iranian diplomats. In a few cases outside Iran, the perpetrators of these murders have been arrested and put on trial. The evidence presented revealed the defendants’ connection to Iran’s government institutions, and an arrest warrant has been issued for Iran’s Minister of Information.

The manner in which these killings were organized and implemented in Iran and abroad is indicative of a single pattern which, according to Roland Chatelin, the Swiss prosecutor, contains common parameters and detailed planning. It can be ascertained from the similarities between these murders in different countries that the Iranian government is the principal entity that ordered the implementation of these crimes. Iranian authorities have not officially accepted responsibility for these murders and have even attributed their commission to internal strife in opposition groups. Nevertheless, since the very inception of the Islamic Republic regime, the Islamic Republic officials have justified these crimes from an ideological and legal standpoint. In the spring of 1979, Sadeq Khalkhali, the first Chief Shari’a Judge of the Islamic Revolutionary Courts, officially announced the regime’s decision to implement extrajudicial executions and justified the decision: “ … These people have been sentenced to death; from the Iranian people’s perspective, if someone wants to assassinate these individuals abroad, in any country, no government has any right to bring the perpetrator to trial as a terrorist, because such a person is the implementing agent of the sentence issued by the Islamic Revolutionary Court. Therefore, they are Mahduroddam and their sentence is death regardless of where they are.” More than 10 years after these proclamations, in a speech about the security forces’ success, Ali Fallahian, the regime’s Minister of Information, stated the following regarding the elimination of members of the opposition: “ … We have had success in inflicting damage to many of these little groups outside the country and on our borders.”

At the same time, various political, judicial, and security officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran have, at different times and occasions, confirmed the existence of a long term government policy for these extrajudicial killings and in some cases their implementation. 

Read more about the background of extrajudicial killings in the Islamic Republic of Iran by clicking on the left hand highlight with the same title.

Mr. Shahriar Shafiq’s threats and extrajudicial execution

While leaving his mother’s house in Paris at 1:00 in the afternoon of Friday, December 7, 1979, Captain Shafiq was shot and killed by two bullets, one fired into his back and a second one to his head, execution style. According to Mr. Shafiq’s sister, Princess Azadeh, Mr. Shafiq knew that he was at risk and had noticed motorcycle riders roaming around his home, on Tuesday and Wednesday December 4 and 5th. According to his sister (and the family’s lawyer), he had requested police protection, but was not given any. (France Inter [Radio], December 9, 1979) According to a person close to the family, Mr. Shafiq’s mother, Princess Ashraf, who lived in the United States at the time, had been warned by knowledgeable French and American intelligence sources that her son was being watched and his life was in danger. The information was serious enough for her to send someone to Paris three days before his assassination to ask him, in person, to move out of the family home, the address of which was known by many. (Interview with a source close to the family, March 3, 2024) 

The day after his death, on December 8, the daily Kayhan quoted the Agence France-Presse and wrote: “An eyewitness described the assassin as a young man between 25- and 30-years-old, who was wearing a biker’s jacket. He followed Mr. Shafiq for several steps, took the pistol close to the back of his neck, and shot him. He then got on his motorbike and left. The police found two shells from a 9mm pistol at the scene.” 

Kayhan, quoting Agence France-Presse, says that, several hours later, an unknown person took responsibility for the terror via a telephone call and said, “Shafiq had to be removed (or killed), keeping in line with our liberation activities. He was an enemy of our faith and our people.” He also added that, “He helped the international Zionists and we killed him. He concluded his talk with, “Long Live Khomeini!” (Agence France Presse, December 7, 1979)

Three years after Captain  Shafiq’s death, the daily Ettela’at published the obituary of “Martyr Seyed Abdollah Borqe’i” and introduced him as “the killer of Shahriar Shafiq.”  “Martyr Seyed Abdollah Borqe’i, was one of the passionate young Hezbollahi people of Qom, who made tireless efforts to combat counter-revolutionary groups and to remove the ‘Liberals’ from the political scene. He was the one who executed Shahriar Shafiq, nephew of the Shah, in Paris, shot him twice and left without leaving a clue of his presence… He  was a hard working and active Mojahed who considered the struggle as having no borders and so for that reason was dispatched outside the country several times to kill the remaining members of the royal family, including Ashraf Pahlavi.” According to Ettela’at, Borqe’i was also involved in terrorist activities during the revolution including the assassination of “an officer whose hands were stained with the blood of dozens of people from Qom.” (Ettela’at, March 29, 1982, Page 11)

Captain Shafiq’s remains were embalmed and taken to New York where they will remain until a time when he could be buried in Iran. (Princess Ashraf Pahlavi, Faces in A Mirror, 1980)

France’s Official Reaction

The French government condemned the assassination. Then-Foreign Minister Jean Prancois-Poncet said on December 9, 1979, that all who commit acts of terrorism in France would be fought against. A spokesman for the Foreign Ministry told newspaper Le Monde on December 10 that the French government was considering reimposing mandatory visas for Iranian travelers. (Le Monde, December 12, 1979) 

In a published statement, the Iranian Ambassador in Paris reported a phone conversation with the Director of France’s Foreign Ministry’s North Africa & Middle East Department, during which the latter read a statement for him: “The Director-General of the North African and Middle Eastern Affairs Department spoke with me over the phone and read the following statement, which was reported verbatim to the (Iranian) Ministry of Foreign Affairs:

‘The French government, which from the beginning of the Iranian Revolution has expressed its interest in, and respect for, the approach taken by the Iranian people, condemns the assassination that took place in Paris on December 7 against an Iranian figure. Despite the respect France has for the sovereignty of other nations, it will not allow the respect for France to be disregarded. Although France is a country that welcomes foreigners with open arms, it considers itself obligated to take necessary measures to ensure the freedom and security of those under the protection of its laws. Among the measures that the French government intends to take to prevent the recurrence of such acts is the enforcement of border controls; for example, the reimplementation of an entry visa requirement for a limited period, and necessary communications in this regard will be made with the Iranian authorities.’" (Ettela’at, December 27, 1979). On April 17, 1980, France imposed a visa requirement for Iranians entering the country, the cited reason being the French government’s desire to more closely monitor Iranian travelers in the wake of Shafiq’s assassination. (Name-ye Ruz, April 16, 1980) 

Following the assassination of Captain Shafiq, a judicial procedure was opened on December 9, 1979, against unknown persons, for the charge of Shafiq’s voluntary manslaughter. The Paris Court of First Instance was conducting the inquiry. The French authorities told the family that the investigation has not progressed, that they have not found the gun, and the killer has probably left France. They did not share the case file with Shafiq’s family despite multiple follow-ups and inquiries. The case was dismissed in 1988. 

More than 30 years later, the French Justice Ministry’s response justified the dismissal of the case by the fact that the perpetrator was not identified: “Several international letters rogatory were issued by the investigating magistrate, but they were unsuccessful, as was the investigation entrusted to the criminal brigade of the Paris police prefecture. In the absence of identification of the perpetrator of the fatal gunshots, an order of dismissal was issued on May 19, 1988, by the investigating magistrate. Contested on appeal by the civil parties, to whom this order had been duly notified, the order was confirmed by the investigation chamber of the Paris Court of Appeal on October 27, 1988.” (Journal Officiel, September 30, 2010)

This statement was in response to a question regarding Captain Shafiq’s case in March 2010, by Senator Andre Vantomme. The latter had raised the issue of the unsolved murder of Captain Shafiq and the impunity granted to his killers: “This terrorist crime has remained unpunished to this day and, in a supreme legal aberration, did not result in any trial, even in absentia, despite the fact that the mastermind behind it repeatedly claimed responsibility in the press, speaking on behalf of the Iranian state.” (Journal Officiel, March 25, 2010)

Iran’s Official Reaction

The day after Captain Shafiq’s assassination, the Islamic Republic’s Shari’a Judge and Head of the revolutionary tribunals, Ayatollah Sadeq Khalkhali, announced that “Fada’iyan-e Eslam’s warriors” executed Mr. Shafiq. He accused Mr. Shafiq of “intending to repeat the 1953 Iranian coup d'état, in order to break up the country into several provinces and to brutally kill millions of people.”  (Kayhan, December 8, 1979) Khalkhali was the  leader of Fada’iyan-e Eslam (Self-Sacrificers of Islam), a Shi’a fundamentalist secret society founded in 1946, which  sought to purify Islam by ridding it of “corrupting individuals” through assassinations. Until the arrest and execution of its founder Navab Safavi in 1956, the group assassinated several intellectual and political figures.

A few weeks after the assassination,  in a letter published in the Iranian media, the Islamic Republic Ambassador in Paris, Shamsoldin Amir Alai, responded to the accusations against him and the Embassy for their involvement in providing logistics and hosting meetings leading to the assassination of Captain Shafiq. He denied all accusations, including the existence of the revival of the political police under a new name (SAVAMA) and dismissed the importance of Shafiq’s and other opposition leaders’ activities. He also directly addressed Shafiq’s sister:  

“ Do not idolize your brother; the great idol has fallen, and idol worship no longer has a place in Iran. These corrupt elements, which found fertile ground within the Pahlavi family, have no suitable environment to thrive and will be suffocated at their inception. Remain silent until the hand of vengeance of the Iranian people gradually emerges from the sleeve of justice and truth, bringing all of you to justice for your vile actions. We look forward to that day.” (Ettela’at, December 27, 1979)

The name of Mr. Shahriar Shafiq was later mentioned in Mr. Khalkhali’s  memoirs, in a list of people executed following his order.  According to Mr. Khalkhali, these people were all charged with "corruption on earth," which he defined in the following terms:  "A Corruptor on Earth is a person who contributes to spreading and expanding corruption on earth. Corruption is what leads to the decline, destruction, and deviation of society from its nature. People who were executed had strived in spreading corruption and prostitution; circulating heroin, opium, and licentious behavior; atheism; murder; betrayal; flattery; and, in sum, all these vile qualities. These people’s problems were aggravated by the fact that they did not repent, once they saw the people’s revolution."Ayatollah Khalkhali emphasized in his memoir that Captain Shafiq had been tried in absentia. (Sadeq Khalkhali, Memoirs of Ayatollah Sadeq Khalkhali, 2001 )

Familys’ Reaction

Captain Shafiq’s immediate family members, as well as his uncle the Shah, reacted to his assassination by releasing statements and giving interviews to the media. They also became a civil party in the case to seek justice for the assassination. 

The Pahlavi family’s lawyer stated in a press conference that the assassination was politically motivated and he criticized France for not having provided protection for Princess Ashraf and her family members.  (New York Times, December 8, 1979)

Captain Shafiq’s sister, Azadeh, accused the Islamic Republic of being the perpetrator and mentioned the visit to Paris of several Iranian generals working for the SAVAMA, including General Fardust, in the days and weeks prior to the assassination. These visits would have led to a major operation to spy on the opposition in Paris, and to the killing of her brother. She also said that her brother was planning to return to Iran and “was killed when he was about to go into action,” (AFP, December 14, 1979) 

Princess Ashraf issued a statement for the twentieth anniversary of the loss of her son: “December 7, 1999 marks the 20th anniversary of the assassination of my beloved son in Paris. He was killed at the behest of the Islamic Republic of Iran in plain daylight. His assassins escaped France, as did later so many other agents of death who managed to spill the blood of Iranian dissidents such as Prime Minister Bakhtiar, General Oveissi, Diplomat Tabatabai, writer Mazlouman and many others.” (Princess Ashraf Pahlavi’s website)

Captain Shafiq’s widow, Ms. Maryam Eqbal, for many years, kept a low profile. She did not speak to the media and did not get involved in the legal case and the family’s efforts to seek justice. (Radio France Internationale, July 15, 2023)

Impacts on Family

Princess Ashraf wrote an open letter in several American newspapers entitled, “I am a Mother Who Has Lost a Cherished Child.” She stated “My son is dead today, wiped out by the forces of evil surging from the Dark Ages, but his ideals will survive. I am a mother who has lost a dear and cherished child, a mother who mourns all Iranians executed and murdered without trial.” (Washington Post, December 22, 1979) In a 1980 interview, she said she was still numb from the shooting and had not grieved properly. (Boston Globe, April 23, 1980)

Captain Shafiq’s sister, Azadeh, told France Inter, when asked how she felt about the loss of her brother, “Personally, | want the death of my brother to be avenged.”(France Inter, December 7, 1979)

In 2023, Captain Shafiq’s widow, who was interviewed after she published her memoirs, described how the assassination of her husband had impacted her life. She explained that she had become paranoid to the point of using a Moroccan passport and living a semi-clandestine life: “I was too afraid of the repercussions to demand justice. I didn’t want to draw too much attention to myself and my two sons, I was afraid someone would kidnap them. … when my two sons were at school, I had to pay much attention so that no one knew we were Iranians, or of our link with the royal family. I kept it very private…..the new people I meet don’t know anything about my past.” (Radio France Internationale, July 15, 2023)

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