Iran's 2009 Presidential Elections : Students Have Their Say
On December 15, 2008, the Islamic Association of Students for Democracy of Tehran University and Medical School published an open letter to former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami. Khatami, who was then about to declare his candidacy for reelection to the presidency of the Islamic Republic, went on to put his hat into the ring, only to withdraw it in March 2009 in favor of Mir Hossein Mussavi, the former Prime Minister of Iran, who had served from 1981 until 1988, at which time the position of Prime Minister was abolished in a newly revised constitution.Though Khatami is not a candidate anymore, the students’ letter opens a window onto the aspirations of those Iranian students who have declared “democracy” to be their ultimate goal. They use the coming elections to try to open a dialogue with their rulers, aware, as they are, of the unfair and non-free nature of those elections. The questions they pose reflect what they have learned from the failed reform policies of Khatami’s eight years in power, from 1997 to 2005.
What the students seek to realize is a narrow space of safety and relative freedom, enough to be able to foster the democratic culture they desire. They call their demands “minimalist,” as they try to maneuver within the thin margins they believe they have a chance to secure. Their letter, which follows, illustrates the harsh conditions facing students in their struggle for democracy in Iran.
Dear Mr. Khatami,
Regards and Greetings,
At a time when you are surrounded by fans who will not tolerate any serious criticism of you and who want everyone to be as enamored of you as they are, we, as representatives of only one segment of the student community, take your coming to our campus as a good opportunity to ask our questions of you, since you always presented yourself as a responsive president, and to express some of our criticisms of your performance during your eight years in that office. Our questions and criticisms are not meant to intensify disagreements, nor to create a free-for-all, offering pretexts to the likes of Kayhani and the Fars News Agency for their condemnations, but only to foster collaboration, dialogue, and progress towards democracy. We hope that you do not view yourself through the eyes of your fans, as a hero immune to criticism, and that you will open the door to critical and productive dialogue and collaboration by answering these questions, which are only some of our questions and criticisms.
Mr. Khatami,
Do you remember the first time you came to our campus as president, December 7,1997 [University Students’ Day], and the speech you gave in the Friday Prayers area to a massive crowd that considered you a hero? On that day, to a university under the stifling oppression of authoritarianism, reforms held the promise of emancipation. Do you also remember the last time you came to our campus as president, December 7, 2004, and the speech you gave in the Shahid Chamran Auditorium of the Engineering Faculty to a few remaining supporters, with a massive crowd of opponents outside? Those opponents were seized by some who tried, by any means possible, to prevent them from attending your speech, and so their only way to enter was by breaking the door of the auditorium. On that day, the university bore injuries from the reforms and the reformists alike and found itself alone among the authoritarians that, this time, included Khatami. On that day, instead of hearing our voice, Iran’s president responded to the students’ complaints by saying: “I’ll have you forced out of the auditorium.” And now, it is December 7th again, and you come to our campus at a time when we have learned that, for the progress of democracy, one must neither be enamored nor hateful. We have learned that a hero who is not critiqued will turn into its opposite, and we now want neither a hero nor a beloved president, one who is only a bag of sweet words in a chocolate-colored robe!
Mr. Khatami,
Unfortunately, this time again our nation is faced with limited choices and has to choose between bad and worse. We believe that the road to the presidency of an unanalyzed “Khatami,” considering all the dissatisfaction with the performance of the ninth administration [led by President Ahmadinejad], will definitely reach a dead end. You are a likely candidate for the tenth presidential campaign, a candidate who has eight years of presidency already behind him, and we believe that – if you are to become president again – you need to take responsibility for those eight years and to answer students and other critics thoroughly. We believe that if Khatami is to become president again, it should not be because he was invited by this or that faction. Therefore, we take it upon ourselves to share some of our demands and questions with the reformists’ likely candidate and with the student community .
A President Who Will Enforce the Constitution, Not A Mere “Office Administrator”: Mr. Khatami, the experiences of presidents, before and after you, have shown that it is possible for the president not to be a mere office administrator, even when many want him to be. According to Article 113 of the constitution, the president is responsible for ensuring that the constitution is enforced and that its provisions are well carried out. We are not demanding structural changes, but can we at least hope that, in the event that you become president again, you will try to enforce the current constitution completely and make sure that the articles that have been ignored or violated, such as Articles 15, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 32, 35, 38, 44, 99, 100, 133, etc., will be enforced?ii May we hope that, should you become president again, you will use every possible tool in your power to have the reform bills passed and to ensure that they will be enforced, instead of taking back your words? May we hope that in the future you will only make promises that you can realistically keep, and that you will withstand pressures by relying on the Constitution and the Nation?
Improving the Conditions of Universities: The conditions of universities, in every respect, have been thoroughly evaluated in a letter [of October 15, 2008] signed by 109 university professors.iii Universities, during the ninth administration, have been places where students have frequently been summoned to disciplinary committees, blacklisted, and suspended temporarily or permanently from their studies; where independent student associations have not been permitted to exist and function – such as the Islamic Association of Students for Democracy at Tehran University, which lost its legal status and was declared illegal, while a reformist was in charge of the university administration – and other facilities, such as centers of culture and art, were dismantled; where students have been prevented from holding programs and activities; where professors were forced into retirement; where books were censored; etc. And you, Mr. Khatami, were not able to restore independence to the universities during the eight years of your presidency. The laws that were passed during your tenure as the Head of the High Council for Cultural Revolution provide the justification for much of what goes on at universities today. The bylaws of the Disciplinary Committee, based on which students are suspended today, and based on which students’ associations are prevented from operating, etc., are typical of the laws that you have passed. Can we hope that, if you become President again, you will reform these laws and return independence to the universities? Will those independent-minded professors who were forced to retire be asked to return, and will the laws change, such that only tenured faculty members can elect the University President? Will the suspended students be allowed to continue their studies, and will you make sure that no student will be deprived of an education because of his or her opinions? Will student associations be revived and allowed to be active? Will the Islamic Associations that were declared illegal regain their legal status, and will universities regain their rightful status as producers of knowledge? Is there hope that by improving the conditions of the universities and by implementing wise policies, the brain drain will be stopped and the emigration of our best and brightest will not indicate the weakness and impoverishment of our universities?
Resisting Authoritarian Obstructionism: Mr. Khatami, the revelation of the deadly tumoriv hosted bythe Ministry of Intelligence and the mystery of the serial murders is undoubtedly one of the achievements of the reform movement, yet the truth has never been made public, and, so far, neither has a court session been held to inform the public, nor have the dimensions of the tragedy been determined, and you as the “Reform President” have done nothing to identify those who ordered and carried out these acts! During the tragedy of the attack on Tehran University’s student dormitories [in July 1999] – which arose, as you admitted, in the wake of the revelation of the serial murders – the university and university students, important arms of the reform movement, suffered an unprecedented blow.v Now the question is, what did you do as the “Reform President,” in support of whom, and for whose purposes were the students paying these prices? Mr. Khatami, can we hope that, if you become president again, you will pursue similar cases fully and will not rest until the dimensions of the tragedy are clear and those responsible are brought to justice? Can we hope that you will appear among the students in events such as the attack on student dormitories, instead of disappearing for a whole week?
Civil Society: We consider reforms to be civic acts that must be performed through the society and its institutions. Reforms have to be all-encompassing and inclusive of all modern institutions of the society. Reforms cannot be achieved in single, isolated areas and through single, isolated acts of heroism. But it is also imperative that reforms in political institutions be concomitant with reforms in the society. The friends and allies of the reform movement say: “Khatami has to stand firmly if he wants to return,” or “Khatami should not come with a limp,” and so forth. Can we hope that, should you become President again some day, you will stand against the mass closing of print media and the serial killing [of dissidents], that you will push firmly for the investigation of cases such as the attack on university dormitories, [take a wise position on] the nuclear issue, and [resist] undemocratic and unfair elections, and that you will protect your allies [who push for reform]? Mr. Khatami, we are not demanding that you forego your positions and views, but can we hope that, if you become president again, you will withstand the pressure against those very positions and views?
Steadfastness in Furthering the Cause of Reforms: Mr. Khatami, while you described yourself, poetically, as a “burning candle that cannot be threatened by fire” when you registered as a presidential candidate in 2001, your second term as president did not reflect any such fortitude, to the extent that we cannot even consider you to have been the “Reform President” during your second term. You withdrew from your positions and from the reformist cause, little by little, in the name of maintaining balance. You declared your retreats to be in line with truth, Islam, and the constitution, and you accused your critics of deviating from the constitution and even from religion. You even refused to remain on the side of your allies in the sixth parliament, calling them extremists, thereby allowing the seventh parliament elections to take place. You limited the extent of the reforms to the “Twin Bills,”vi and then you did not even stick with that and eventually gave it up. Your friends and allies were put behind bars, out of spite, but you did not move a finger to free them or even take a position with regard to them. Can we hope that, once president again, you will not leave your allies on their own? That you will be firm in your positions and will not withdraw? That you will be open to criticism and will not consider those who criticize you to be outside religion and the constitution?
Surviving Internal Crises: Unfortunately, our country is at the threshold of several all-encompassing internal crises that will sooner or later reveal their disconcerting consequences, if the internal policies of the country continue as they are. The economic crisis and ever-increasing inflation, the reduction in oil income, social predicaments affecting housing, marriage, and employment, and many other big and small crises facing the country have worried all those who care about Iran. The only way to get through these crises is by effective management, based on scientific findings in a politically, economically, culturally, and socially open and suitable atmosphere, in which all those who care about Iran can come to the help of the government. Can we trust that, if you become president again, you will direct government policies in the right and scientifically viable direction without fear of violence emanating from the extremist factions of the government.
Recognizing the Right to Protest: In democratic societies, the right to protest is a recognized right and an institutionalized principle, and certain ways of expressing discontent have been defined. But, unfortunately, in Iran, the authoritarian factions use excuses, such as the sensitivity of the country’s current conditions, to interpret every protest as an effort to topple the regime, as anti-regime propaganda, or as a threat to national security; and the smallest protests are countered with the harshest punishments. We consider criticism to be useful in bringing the people and their government closer together. Recognizing the right to protest and hearing the voice of opponents is undoubtedly conducive to the betterment of the country and the government. Can we hope that your administration will recognize this right, should you become president again?
Improving the Quality of Cultural and Academic Activities Through a Strong Cabinet: Mr. Khatami, our country currently fares very poorly in terms of cultural, artistic, and scientific standards. We are witnessing a horrific drop in cultural, artistic, and scientific production, in terms of both quality and quantity. The presshave to either withstand censorship or face confiscation. Books that deviate ever so slightly from the lopsided measurements of the unqualified judges of quality will not obtain permission to be published. The virtual space of the internet is no better, and the filtering of sites, which started during your own term, has been intensified. We believe that members of your first cabinet fared better, compared to those of your second term, as far as cultural, scientific, and political reforms are concerned. The presence of people like Dr. Mostafa Mo’in, Abdollah Nouri, and Ataollah Mohajerani at the head of different ministries, and the cooperation of university students and the press as the two arms of reform, made for a more successful ground for furthering the cause of reform in the years 1997 to early 2000. May we hope to witness a strong and qualified cabinet by your side, should you become president again, and will you stand by your cabinet in implementing reforms? A cabinet that will seriously combat the extensive censorship of the press, books, cinema, the internet, and so on?
Improving Iran’s International Image and Eliminating Tensions: Iran’s image has been internationally damaged in recent years. A better relationship between the people and the government in Iran can paint a better picture of Iran internationally. Obviously, other countries are neither our innate enemies nor our permanent allies. Eliminating international tensions and avoiding adventurism in the global arena can be very beneficial to Iran. It can stir the country away from sensitive conditions and eradicate the possibility of war. The manner of treating the United States can have a significant role in diminishing or intensifying the tensions. Can we hope that you will not turn away from meeting other nations’ presidents in the United Nations General Assembly, if you become president again? May we hope that you will establish relations with other countries to safeguard our national interests and protect us from sensitive conditions?
Nuclear Issue: Mr. Khatami, due to inappropriate policies regarding the nuclear program, Iran is now facing various international sanctions, the negative effects of which are evident and will become more so with time. This is while the package offered by the European negotiating teamvii can help Iran achieve its national goals. Can we expect to see wiser policies regarding Iran’s nuclear practices, should you become president again?
Mr. Khatami, the election ground is not the place for hesitation and indecisiveness. The presidency is not an abstract and virtual space to be won over by beautiful words and broad claims. The university is ready for someone with a problem-solving attitude.
Our suggestion to you is that, if your response to our questions above and to our demand for change is negative, you must not enter the election arena. We have undergone tremendous pressure in these years and have grown much more mature and experienced as a result. We have learned how to survive and how to further our goals in these difficult conditions. Therefore, we ask you, if you cannot make things better, please do not turn our hopes to disappointment by running again.
Our demands are not “maximalist”. But we expect that, should you become president again, you will remain faithful to your own “minimalist demands,” and that if you don’t, you will recognize our right to pay you a visit, in the same manner as we did on December 7, 2004.
Mr. Khatami, if you want to run again, come with fortitude and decisiveness, and do not act in such a way that people will be left with no other choice, after your term has ended, than to embrace people like Ahmadinejad, or worse.
Islamic Association of Students for Democracy
Tehran University and Medical School
[i]. Kayhan is the semi-official state-sponsored daily newspaper of Tehran. It maintains close ties to the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic and promotes repressive policies.
[ii]. These articles cover, among other things, the rights of the individual, a ban on torture, and the protection of freedoms of belief and association; some also define the president’s official prerogatives.
[iii]. This open letter warned against the negative impact of government policies on the independence of the universities, participation of students and professors in university life, freedom of research, and the quality of teaching.
[iv]. This refers to “a group of agents” within the Ministry of Information who were commissioned to eliminate scholars, dissidents, and writers. When the identities of some of the killing teams were revealed in 1999, the government contended that they had acted on their own and were not implementing official orders. During the trial, some of the killers said that they had, in fact, been on duty and that they were paid by the ministry for their extra hours.
[v]. In July 1999, security forces invaded the Tehran University premises, ransacking the student dormitories, wounding many and killing at least one student. The operation was organized in retaliation for a peaceful sit-in by a group of students to protest the closure of a newspaper, called Salam, that had investigated the serial murders of the fall of 1998.
[vi]. The “Twin Bills” were put forward in 2002 by President Khatami’s government. One sought to expand the president’s authority, so that he could retaliate against officials who violated the articles of the constitution; the second was intended to reform the election law by limiting the vetting power of the unelected Council of Guardians over candidates for political office.
[vii]. The European negotiating team composed by representatives of Germany, Britain and France (the troika) was mandated to negotiate with Iran to resolve the ongoing standoff over its illicit nuclear program. The students allude to the package deal including technical assistance for the development of civil nuclear technology and other incentives to obtain Iran’s renouncement to enrich uranium.